In the third week of Magh 2076, at the central committee meeting of the then ruling Nepal Communist Party, party leader Ram Karki had complained that the election system was expensive. Karki had said in the meeting, "We have to spend money just to get a ticket from the party and it is impossible to win the election without spending 250 to 300 million. If someone were to pay for the expenses I incurred while fighting the election, I feel like I would give this post to them."

Not only Karki, but former Nepali Congress General Secretary Dr. Shashank Koirala had publicly stated that he had spent Rs 60 million in the 2074 House of Representatives elections. On 26 Chaitra 2078, at the Ilam-Kathmandu Contact Forum of the Nepal Students' Union, he had said that out of the Rs 80,000 spent in 2064, Rs 30 million were spent in the 2070 elections and Rs 60 million in the 2074 elections. Similarly, in Kartik 2074, CPN-UML Vice President Yubaraj Gyawali had publicly stated that the elections were very expensive and that he did not run as a candidate because he did not have the money. 

Until 2048, politics was considered a matter of service and patriotism. However, in subsequent elections, politics became a profession and investment also increased. Money-rich people from business and contractor backgrounds dominated politics, and it became difficult for lower and middle class leaders to get tickets from the party.     Not only the leaders, but the parliament itself is aware of this. On 12 Shrawan 2077, in the meeting of the State Affairs and Good Governance Committee of the Parliament, MPs had said that corruption in the country had become institutionalized due to the elections. The MPs themselves said that those who were candidates in the elections would spend heavily to win and, after being elected, would commit widespread corruption to recover the investment made during the elections. 

Thus, voices have been raised about expensive elections in political party meetings, gatherings of fraternal organizations, and parliamentary committee meetings. However, no concrete work has been done towards reform. After these expressions were made public, local, provincial, and federal level elections were held in 2079. News that a larger amount than the prescribed amount was spent in all three elections became public. Various modern propaganda methods such as social media and digital advertising, expensive rallies, and increasing participation in rallies by giving money have made elections expensive. Informal practices such as personal gifts, banquets, and cash distribution to influence voters have also increased expenses unnaturally. Similarly, the mobilization of goondas, muscle management, and mobilization of cadres in elections have also increased expenses.

In a conversation this columnist had with some members of the dissolved House of Representatives, there were candidates who spent between Rs 80 million and Rs 100 million in the 2079 federal election.

Until 2048, politics was considered a form of service and patriotism. At that time, the influence of money was limited. However, in subsequent elections, politics gradually became a profession and investment also increased. Money-rich people from professional and contractor backgrounds dominated politics. It became difficult for lower and middle class leaders to get tickets from the party. Even if they got tickets, their chances of getting elected became weak. Expensive elections became the main source of political corruption. After coming to power, the money invested by the candidate in the election was withdrawn with benefits through contracts, public procurement, buying and selling positions, and appointing relatives and workers. 

In the current election system, it has become impossible to win an election without money. As the party gives tickets to people with money in the election and voters also vote for money-rich candidates out of greed for some money or goods, honest leaders of the party have been sidelined. Therefore, from the ward level to the federal level, such money-lenders have become powerful in politics. With the exception of proportional representation MPs, people who give large amounts of 'donations' to the party's main leaders are being recommended. The increasing influence of this kind of money in elections has turned democracy into a 'money game'. 

It has become common for candidates to directly share money with voters during elections or indirectly provide financial incentives, host parties, and distribute cash or in-kind support for vote buying. The practice of withdrawing such opaque and illegal money invested in elections through government contracts, appointments, and policy-making for personal gain has led to corruption in the country. 

The Election Commission of Nepal sets spending limits for candidates. However, its implementation is extremely weak. A study by 'The Asia Foundation' has shown that many candidates spent beyond the legal limit in the 2074 and 2079 federal elections. The study showed that although most candidates submitted expense reports in both these elections, those reports were incomplete and formal and a large part of the actual expenses were spent in cash. The study showed that it is not possible to obtain official accounting reports of cash expenses and even to audit them. The study concluded that corruption is rampant in Nepal due to the lack of transparency in election expenses. 

As general elections become more expensive and costly, it has had a negative impact on the overall politics, policy-making and governance system. Corruption has been institutionalized. There has been criminalization of politics and politicization of crime. Contractors, businessmen and money-lenders have increased the number of laws that are favorable to them by reaching the parliament. They are working in a way that suits their interests by becoming ministers with the power of money. Conflicts of interest have become alarming. 

Contractualization of politics 

In the 2079 elections, 19 contractors were elected to the House of Representatives and 11 to the Provincial Assembly. Similarly, contractors and businessmen are becoming dominant at the local level as well. According to the Federation of Nepal Construction Entrepreneurs, 240 contractors engaged in construction business were elected in the local level elections held on 30 Baisakh 2079. Of these, 34 were elected in Sudurpaschim Province, 36 in Karnali, 26 in Lumbini, 27 in Gandaki, 67 in Bagmati, 20 in Madhesh and 27 in Koshi Province. While the number of contractors elected in the 2074 local elections was only 140. 

As the number of contractors, dozer owners and people directly involved in the construction business is increasing at the federal, provincial and local levels, a 'conflict of interest' has been seen in the governance system. Those elected at the federal and provincial levels are influencing the policy-making level. They are making policies and laws related to their profession and business themselves, while the contractor people's representatives who have come to the leadership of the local level seem to be giving priority to their business in policies, plans and budget allocation. 

When the contractor leadership dominates at the local level, the planning balance is being lost. Long-term social capital building activities such as school repairs, health post strengthening, child development programs, poverty alleviation, capacity development, and income generation for the poor are neglected. Contractor public representatives have been prioritizing physical infrastructure. The reason behind this is clearly the lure of financial benefits and commissions. Since there are opportunities for additional benefits in the contract, bill payment, and inspection processes in physical infrastructure construction projects, they have been allocating large amounts of budget for such schemes. 

What to do now? 

Expensive elections are not only a financial burden for candidates, but also an indicator of the decline in democratic values. Expensive elections transform democracy from a 'competition of ideas' to a 'competition of money'. This leads to the fact that the economic capacity of parties and candidates becomes more decisive than the policies, perspectives, ideas, and honesty of parties and candidates in elections. Therefore, corruption that occurs after elections cannot be reduced without reducing election expenses. 

For this, to bring transparency in political finance management, an online reporting system should be made mandatory by disclosing the identity of donors. In addition, there should be a strong legal system to punish those who violate the spending limit. Similarly, the Election Commission should be made independent and empowered and provided with the necessary resources and authority to increase its capacity to monitor parties and candidates. The practice of third-party monitoring of election spending can be implemented by strengthening the role of civil society and the media. The practice of collecting expenditure details of candidates and parties, analyzing data, and public reporting can be expanded through citizen monitoring groups. In addition, it is necessary to raise awareness to discourage vote buying through voter education. In addition, at least six things need to be done to reduce the money-making in elections. 

First, an institutional arrangement should be made for a public debate and agenda presentation system. Candidates are spending a huge amount of money on campaigns, banquets, rallies, banners-posters, and social media in the elections. This has made elections expensive. If the Election Commission only makes arrangements to organize group debates and agenda presentation programs for candidates of that constituency in 4 to 5 places in each constituency and not to campaign elsewhere, the expenses can be reduced. By doing this, candidates will focus on competition based on ideas and policies rather than on money-based propaganda. This will also give voters an opportunity to understand the plans, perspectives and priorities of each candidate. If the Election Commission broadcasts such group debates live on local FM radio, social media, and local television, information will easily reach voters in rural and remote areas and reduce unnecessary expenses.

Second, the election expenditure should be made transparent and its monitoring system should be strengthened. Under the current system, the expenditure details submitted by candidates to the Election Commission are very different from the actual expenditure. Many are seen hiding expenditure details, showing false calculations, or making fake bills. To stop this, the Election Commission can implement a digital expenditure tracking system. In addition, strict legal action such as immediate fines, cancellation of candidacy, or ban from the upcoming election should be implemented for candidates who violate the expenditure limit.

Third, internal transparency and resource regulation of political parties should be ensured. Many parties receive large amounts of money as support from contractors, traders, or smugglers, in exchange for which there is a possibility of policy decisions being made in their favor. To stop this trend, the Auditor General should conduct an annual audit of party funds. In addition, a system should be implemented that requires parties to make the sources of donations or support received public. This strengthens internal democracy within the party and helps prioritize policy-based competition.

Fourth, alternative means of propaganda should be used. Instead of traditional means of propaganda such as large meetings, rallies, etc., policies should be made to use equally accessible means such as radio, television, and online. The Election Commission can adopt a policy of providing equal media time to all candidates. This reduces inequality based on economic capacity and ensures access to information to all voters.

Fifth, it is necessary to work on increasing voter awareness. To make elections economical, changes should be made in the thinking and behavior of citizens. Voters should adopt the habit of voting based on policies and perspectives, not on the influence of money. The importance of electing honest and virtuous people should be taught from the school level by including 'moral civic education'. Similarly, civil society, media and youth should launch a 'clean election campaign' to spread awareness among voters. If voters themselves are aware, candidates who try to buy votes with money will automatically lose.