The country, which was hit by the Gen-G storm that began in the last week of Bhadra, has not yet been able to return to normal. An emergency government has been formed under the leadership of Sushila Karki. However, the government has not been able to make the disrupted economic, social, and political environment comfortable and harmonious.

The recent incident in Simara, Bara district, has increased the possibility that the upcoming elections will not be smooth and peaceful. The government has not been able to appear responsible to the army, the constitution, and the people. The government has not been able to decide on the kind of policies that should have been adopted to keep the people free from the effects and side effects of the turmoil. The ministers of the Karki government are seen busy building their 'political role' through the upcoming elections. The government, along with the Supreme Court, the Election Commission, and the Commission for the Prevention of Abuse of Authority, are required to create a proper environment for the elections scheduled for Falgun 21. However, these institutions are still seen in confusion. The elections will remain uncertain until the petition filed in the Supreme Court against the dissolution of Parliament is resolved. Prime Minister Karki, who has become the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, is not a person who does not understand the components of politics. However, even though she understands politics and has aspirations and ambitions in politics, she is not a professional politician.

The main responsibility of the current government is to establish peace and security in the country and hold elections to the House of Representatives. For this, Prime Minister Karki needs to prepare the environment for the elections by holding in-depth discussions with the leaders of all the political parties, big and small, in the country. However, so far, Prime Minister Karki has not been heard of discussing the elections with the major leaders of all the parties, big and small. The environment for Prime Minister Karki cannot be smooth unless he reaches an agreement with the young leaders known as the Gen-G group and the official leaders of all the parties, big and small.

On the one hand, the Karki-led electoral government has not shown any readiness for the elections, while on the other hand, the major political parties have not been able to make any waves in the elections. UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli, who became Prime Minister in coordination and cooperation with the Nepali Congress during the Gen-G movement, does not seem to have been able to come out of the state of mind of the encounter. He has not been directly seen opposing the elections. However, he does not seem to have been able to get rid of the 'hangover' of power. Although Chairman Oli has not given the slogan of boycotting the elections, it does not seem that the UML is still trying to integrate itself into the new situation. The current activities of the UML have also not been seen in favor of 'elections'. The recent incident in Simara, Bara district, has increased the possibility that the upcoming elections will not be easy and peaceful. This is also why Madhesh has been restless and dissatisfied. Moreover, the spectacle that took place in Janakpur against Jitendra Sonal, the leader of the Democratic Socialist Party, who was proposed as the Chief Minister during the formation of the Madhesh government, cannot be considered easy from a political perspective.

Although the UML party appears to be very well-organized, its power and stature in terms of political influence have both declined. The finger of the party's 'respectable' leaders is seen focused on Chairman Oli. In Nepal's public life, two people from the UML-Congress government - former Prime Minister KP Oli and former Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak - are at the center of anger. There is a mountain of dissatisfaction in both the UML and the Congress parties about these two characters.

Ramesh Lekhak, who got the opportunity to play the role of Home Minister in the Congress-UML government formed under the leadership of Prime Minister Oli, is now being criticized within the party. Lekhak, who was responsible for peace and security in the country, was a confidant of Deuba. However, no matter how serious and great the responsibility was, he became a victim of his own political inaction. Home Minister Lekhak was unable to assess the growing discontent among the people. He could not separate himself from Prime Minister Oli's 'burden' meeting and make him the Congress representative in the coalition government. Security information from all over the country was at his fingertips. If he had studied that information seriously, there was no way he would not have been informed about the possible developments. If he had been a little more security-oriented and a little more vigilant, Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba and his wife could have been saved from the deadly attack.

The program of the Gen-G movement was not against the UML government formed with the support of the Congress. They stood against the Congress's support and participation in the UML government. If the Oli government had not tried to bring a bill to 'control and regulate' social media, the current disaster could have been reversed. However, the country was destroyed due to the arrogance of the UML-led government. The Gen-G movement that took place against this backdrop pushed the leaders who were living a 'convenient' life into the wall in Nepal. Now, by presenting this as an incident of youth anger like in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and other affected countries, neither any political leader, nor any political party, nor any NGO activists can overcome it. No matter how much we point fingers at the involvement of national and international power centers in the incidents that took place in Nepal, it makes no sense. It must be admitted that such a big accident has happened in this country due to the incompetence of the rulers.

In the aftermath of the Gen-G movement, a new game of equation and polarization has begun in political parties. The political leadership of the all-powerful UML Chairman Oli is in crisis. Although Chairman Oli appears very strong on the surface, the reality is different. There is certainly a realization that the 'strong' cadres seen with Oli in the establishment party are equally necessary for any leader.

Maoist Party Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda, who has been losing the 'affiliation' of the people in the country's politics, has repeatedly started building a new 'axis' of communist parties. He has integrated himself and his party into the Unified Socialist Party led by Madhav Nepal. However, some influential leaders have opposed his move. There is a danger that Prachanda's journey with leaders like Madhav Nepal and Jhalanath Khanal will end without reaching a conclusion. Prachanda has not integrated his party into the Oli-led UML party before. However, his experiment did not last long.

Meanwhile, the situation in the Nepali Congress is no different. After President Sher Bahadur Deuba appointed Vice President Purna Bahadur Khadka as the acting president and went to Singapore for health treatment, there has been a lot of excitement in the party. However, there is no justification for such excitement. The simpler the personality of Acting President Khadka seems, the more complicated the problems within the Congress are becoming. Many Congressmen have concluded that President Sher Bahadur Deuba will now retire. Who will be Deuba's successor? There is a natural curiosity in the Congress about this. Congressmen seem excited about contemporary politics. Some leaders and workers in the Congress are expressing their intention to hold a special party convention and go to the elections, while the other side is in the mood to select a new leadership through a regular convention and go to the elections. However, both these parties are unaware of the objective situation of the Congress. Have the Congress voters in the country decreased or increased? Has the Congress fulfilled the promises it made to the people for the elections? Times have changed. The current workers may be spiritualists in mind, but their bodies have become materialists. If they do not get a little development and a little trust by joining the party, why join? The people's question is legitimate.

Many people complain that no leader returns to their constituency after the elections. What will happen to those who come only once to seek votes? The level of awareness of the people is increasing. No MP or public representative has seen this. Most leaders in democracy seem to be the 'owners of the people'. The people have to take action with the government. The state is not among the people. The government is not on the side of the people. The people do not know that they have power.

Like other parties, political waves are also seen in the Nepali Congress. What is the wave? The republic has come. The people who govern have changed. But nothing else has changed. All leaders of all parties look 'upwards'. There is a millionaires' club up there. There is hustle and bustle. It is fun. The leadership active in Nepali politics seems to be enjoying itself there. But nothing has been done in favor of the people.