Political pundits say, ‘Political parties that do not understand the pace of time are confined to the ‘footnotes’ of history.’ The current pace of the rise of Generation Z has become a similar challenge for parties. Perhaps because of that pace, there is unprecedented movement in the country’s two major powers, the Nepali Congress and the Communists.

Somewhere, scripts of formation/reorganization/dissolution are being written, while somewhere, farce and spectacle are going on in the name of the same. And, somewhere, old 'heroes' are struggling to preserve their legacy, while somewhere 'new heroes' are struggling in search of roles. The most turmoil is in the communist camp. Where dull metaphors of unity and division are being staged.

The Congress is also in the midst of a generational transition. There is friction between the old-timers and the change advocates. The controversy that has been going on in the Congress for the past few days about whether to hold a regular general convention or a special general convention? The general convention before or after the elections? is actually the culmination of the conflict between these two tendencies.

This conflict has not yet been resolved. On Sunday, acting president Purna Bahadur Khadka tried to reach a consensus on the issue of releasing the agenda of the general convention, but failed, and the scheduled central committee meeting was postponed again.

On October 11, after the elderly Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba took a 'partial break' from active politics and announced Vice President Purna Bahadur Khadka as the acting president, there was jubilation in the Congress circle. Many praised it, saying that the process of generational change had begun in the Congress. However, within a day or so, disappointment prevailed in the Congress circle. Acting President Khadka Deuba appeared to be lenient on the issue of holding a general convention soon after being besieged by factions.

However, the reality is that the demand for a change in leadership raised in the Congress through the general convention can be pushed a little further with the power of factional politics, but it cannot be ignored. The Congress will no longer be able to escape the hunger for change that has awakened within the parties. Sooner or later, the Congress will change its leadership. But, can the Congress, which has become corrupt and has gone astray, be purified by changing only one leadership?

Is it enough to gain the lost public trust by changing only one leader? The parties are moving towards reform in the name of the general convention. Will the Congress reform in the name of delay or will it form a new Congress? What is the 'blueprint' of the new Congress? Whether it is a special general convention or a regular one, these questions require debate. This analysis has been made around these questions.

If the Congress is to find a solution to the existing distortions, inconsistencies and problems within itself, its starting point should be a brutal review of its own past. And, based on that review, a 'political white paper' should be issued. The country is currently in a political/constitutional risk and crisis. At this time, all the responsible parties should have expressed their collective commitment to resolving the crisis that has arisen after this collective failure.

However, the leaders running the parties are so full of personal ego and pride that they do not have any political character. Otherwise, in this hour of confusion and crisis, they would have issued a document of collective responsibility, i.e. a political white paper, along with a brutal review of their errors and weaknesses.

As the largest political party in the struggle for democracy, the oldest and the largest in terms of the balance of power, the Congress can and should shoulder that responsibility.

Before shouldering such a leadership responsibility, why did the Congress reach the abyss? It is necessary to find out. The body of the Congress is dirty with apolitical stench. The layers of dirt are stuck to that dirty body. Therefore, its purification is not possible with ordinary washing.

First of all, the Congress could never become a political party. It continued to become a battleground of interests and factions. Most of the party leaders and workers would talk about the democratic system, but in practice their loyalty was lost to some 'Dai'. When the party's 'Dai' was held, the competition to secure political opportunities and future increased, faction politics flourished. Now, the politics of that same faction is standing in the way of generational transfer in the Congress.

Second, the Congress, which has very little interest in political and theoretical discussions, has become a prisoner of reactionary politics. It is easy for conservative Congressmen to repeat the party's theoretical line as BP's socialism. However, they are neither followers of BP, nor do they understand BP.

General Secretary Gagan Thapa has refined/modified BP's socialism and brought the concept of social democracy for debate within the party, and even then a large part of the Congress party is unaware of it or is indifferent to it. This indifference has made the Congress a party with policy confusion and ambiguity.

Third, it is believed that the Congress is ahead of other parties in terms of internal democracy. Here, at least in the general conventions, the leadership is selected on a competitive basis. The 14th general convention is an example of this. The Congress, which elected young and new faces from office bearers to members, had written a new chapter. The entry of two general secretaries, joint general secretaries, and central members of the list of aspiring leaders gave the Congress a glimmer of hope. However, when the core leadership became centralized, factionalized, and authoritarian, that expectation was dashed. 

After all, the objective of any political party is to serve the people through its programs and bring prosperity to the country by going into government. It is not inappropriate to try to go into government from that angle. There is no question of participating in the government through democratic methods.

However, trying to stay in government at all costs, making going into government the only goal, promoting the bad culture of division rather than methods and procedures in going into government, does not establish the legitimacy of the party. The Congress has also lost the trust of the civil society by making unnatural and apolitical agreements and alliances for power. 

Fourth, the country is suffering from misgovernance. The Congress leadership is equally responsible, like other top leadership, for the misgovernance to weaken the country in this way. Moreover, the notes found burnt in the house of party president Sher Bahadur Deuba have raised many questions. What is the source of the burnt notes? It has not been revealed. The government will provide information about it after the investigation.

The burnt notes found during the burning of Deuba's building are just a small example of the corruption and mismanagement prevalent in the country. Several other leaders of the Congress are also accused of corruption and irregularities. However, no questions are raised about it in the Congress. Those who raise questions are isolated and a 'note of dissent' is created, demanding that those accused of such things be suspended. 

This tendency to protect and shelter the corrupt within the party has led the Congress to sink into the abyss. Given this and similar tendencies, the Congress has not been able to become dynamic. Some leaders at the central level have become middlemen and protectors of crony capitalism, while local level workers have become like petty contractors. A special ritual like a general convention is needed to bring the Congress out of the abyss of apathy and mismanagement.

Therefore, without any hesitation, the Congress should quickly move towards this ritual. Instead, the general convention should not be just an opportunity to change the leadership, but should be a historic turning point for a new political philosophy, organizational energy and generational change. In a way, it should be a platform to institutionalize the new era of the old party. 

But, ironically, the Congress has not recognized the opportunity to return to its former glory once again. Instead, efforts are being made to push this opportunity back with the strength of factions. 

There are basically three types of political characters in the Congress right now. First, the tendency to believe that not general reform in the Congress, but reform with comprehensive reorganization is necessary. This group is now demanding that a regular general convention be held immediately before the elections, or if that is not possible, a special general convention. The general secretaries Gagan Thapa and Bishwaprakash Sharma, who have been carrying the issue of reform within the party, represent this tendency.

The urban middle class, the professional community, the digital and conscious youth generation of change are connected to this trend. This trend, capable of sparking public debate on good governance, transparency, and party politics, has put forward the issue of generational change in leadership. 

Second, there is the Deuba group, which has a strong faction at the center of the party, which has not been able to emerge from the narrowness of factional politics. Its main character is to play power maneuvers under the guise of factions. This character has little to do with transparency, good governance, and the demands and expectations of the younger generation. To what extent has this group not been able to assess the dimensions of the current political crisis? What will the Congress ask for votes in the upcoming elections?

At least the general convention can renew the policy and leadership, but this group has become liberal in terms of continuous leadership changes, without even having the general understanding that the issue of going to the elections is with the Congress. The thinking of this group is to maintain the status quo when possible and delay reform when forced. 

Third, there is also a moderate tendency under the leadership of Shekhar Koirala in the Congress. As the conflict between Koirala's establishment faction and the pro-generational rebel group increases, he aspires to reach the leadership by playing a balancing role. As Deuba's closest rival in the 14th General Convention, Koirala has been presenting himself as the future leadership of the Congress.

Meanwhile, he has also played an opposing role by putting pressure on the party establishment on various issues. Koirala, who suffered a respectable defeat in the 14th General Convention, also has organizational access within the party. Recently, he has also expanded his relations with some Deuba-pro-leaders. However, his distance from General Secretary Thapa, who was with him in the 14th General Convention, has increased. Koirala and Thapa are currently in the same place on the issue of the regular general convention before the elections. However, when the question of who will be in the leadership? arises, there is a strong possibility that these two will face each other. 

The Congress is now looking for a leadership that will not be satisfied with the party's hesitation in reform. After the Gen-G protests and the subsequent complex situation that arose in the country, the dimensions of politics have changed. Parties that have made historic contributions to democracy have reached a defensive state. There is faith in them at the public level, but anger and distrust still persist.

The Congress should now be able to find a leadership that can turn that anger and distrust into trust. Only an ideologically and politically equipped leadership can do that. Can a leader sit on the throne of leadership solely on the strength of a faction? Shouldn't he have a political thought and a course of action? Even now, the Congress is not moving forward with BP's 'parrot chatter' of socialism. Congress needs a leadership that can modify and refine it, and spark debates in the public sphere. 

There is no shortage of cadres joining political parties now, seeking various opportunities and benefits. Are those cadres, who number in the millions, truly responsible 'cadres' of the party? How much has his presence in the organization helped make the party dynamic and energetic? Why has the leadership not been able to make the cadres dynamic? The current Congress needs a leadership that can conduct organizational restructuring along with a review of these questions.

A leadership that can not only energize the cadres but also enhance political consciousness and culture is needed. When leaders go from local to central government, they often get confused about what to do and how to do it. The Congress should be able to prepare leaders and cadres who are capable of running the government from local to central. This responsibility will also lie with the leadership.