On August 23rd and 24th, Gen-G protests and demonstrations roared through the streets across the country. The roar of which woke up all the tricks, jokes and proverbs that were happening to the people at the same time. Why did this actually happen? This is well known to the general public. The movement was the demand of time and circumstances.

The difference is this - when the opposition parties, activists and organizations are unable to speak, when they are being innocent, the 'Gen-G' generation has reached the streets with the heat and rap of the movement. Their main demands were that good governance should be maintained in the country, corruption should be ended, freedom of speech and a permanent government should be established. The demand was in favor of the nation, the people and the existing system. Again, those issues are being raised from the street through the House to the court process. It was not a strange topic for the government. 

Therefore, the government did not need to get irritated like that on the legitimate issue of the 'Gen-G' generation. Irony! Instead, a minor student was killed on the first day of the protest. Repressive measures were taken and indiscriminate firing was carried out. This barbarity was the brutal massacre of the people by the government in the history of the Nepali movement. Which will always be criticized by future generations. Why was this repressive ego created? Let's see a small example about that.

It is about the time when the government led by KP Sharma Oli and Bidya Devi Bhandari was the President. The Inclusion Commission has become ineffective. Whereas on 10 June 2078, President Bidya Devi Bhandari appointed 20 people to various constitutional commissions, including the chairperson of the inclusive commission, on the recommendation of the constitutional council. 3 of them were from the National Inclusion Commission. The commission was chaired by Ramakrishna Timilsena of Kaski, Pushparaj Timilsina of Parvat and Manprasad Khatri of Bajhang as members. Bishnumaya Ojha and Haridatta Joshi had already become members of the commission. It is clear here that the Inclusion Commission is incompetent. Where then Chief Justice Cholendrashamsher Rana, then Prime Minister Oli and National Assembly Speaker Ganesh Prasad Timilsina played a leading role in the justification of inclusive commission. 

It is not only the case of the then Oli government, but the Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led government, which came to power with the issue of representing the oppressed classes and communities in the state structure on the basis of proportional inclusion, has the same tendency. On 15th May 2067, the Public Service Commission had announced the recruitment of 9,161 technical and non-technical posts through open competition by separating various services and groups for the local level.

Ever since then, the Public Service Commission has 'broken' the reservation system. The ad was against democracy, constitution and social justice principles. At that time, tribals, tribes, Madhesi, Dalits, Muslims, people with disabilities and communities had to stand together and protest against the inappropriate advertisement of the Public Service Commission. Not only that, there was also a case against the Public Service Commission advertisement in the Supreme Court. However, the Honorable Supreme Court issued an order on 16 June 2067 in favor of the Public Service Commission, deviating from the basic obligation to protect the constitution and protect the rights of the discriminated classes, castes, regions, genders and communities. Even then, the oppressed class community could not guarantee the democratic system. When there was a government led by Dahal. Nepali Congress was not behind in creating

news. When Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba was in the government, there was no attempt to make the Inclusive Commission inclusive. In other words, he also failed to represent all castes and communities. Whether it is in the matter of selection of representatives of the province and the House of Representatives or in the matter of appointment of civil servants.

Deuba also could not stand on the roadmap unlike Oli and Dahal. When the leaders of all the three parties came to power, they tried to kill themselves, their relatives and their workers. As a result, the issue of proportional inclusion became weaker and faded away. During their rule, the oppressed classes and communities did not get to realize the rights stipulated by the democratic system and constitution.

According to a data of 2012, the presence of Pahadiya Bahun-Kshatri community in the civil service of Nepal was 62.9 percent and the representation of women from the same community was 10.1 percent, but in 2019, it was seen at least 61.2 percent and 15.6 percent. This rate shows that it will take another 136 years for women's representation to reach 50 percent of the population. What can be more embarrassing than this!

In 2012, the representation of tribals was 12.5 percent and in 2019, it was 14 percent. According to the report, it will take 210 years to reach 35 percent proportional representation based on the population of tribal tribes at this rate. Similarly, the representation of Dalit community is 1.7 percent in 2012 and 2.8 percent in 2019. If this rate is maintained, it seems that it will take 120 years to reach 13 percent proportional representation of the Dalit community based on the population.

Similarly, the representation of Kshatriya Brahmins and Madhesi caste of the Madhesi community was 8.1 percent and 11.0 percent in 2012 and 2019, respectively. 5 percent is seen. Although there is an improvement in the representation of the Madhesi community compared to before, the data shows that it will take 90 years to reach proportional representation based on the population. The proportional representation of the Muslim community is very worrying. In 2012, the representation of the Muslim community in the civil service was 0.5 percent and in 2019 it was 0.7 percent.

Muslim community will have to wait 107 years to reach proportional representation according to 5 percent of the population. Analyzing the mentioned data, it is clear in the report that in the civil sector of the state, the representation of men is 61.2 percent in terms of communities and 75 percent in terms of gender. Looking at the data so far in the government service, more than 80 percent of Khas-Aryas have entered the government service from the open side, according to the Inclusion Commission's report.

In the Constitution of Nepal 2072, according to the principle of proportional inclusion, it is mentioned that all communities should be represented on the basis of population in all mechanisms of the state. As a fundamental right, Articles 18, 40, 42 of the Constitution have ensured the provision of proportional inclusion on the basis of caste. Where political appointments, appointments to constitutional posts and all mechanisms, structures defined as government, semi-government and public bodies and the representation from the political system at all three levels of the state have been assigned the responsibility of maintaining proportionality.

According to the National Census, 078, 13.4 percent of the total population of Nepal is 291 lakh 64 thousand 578, i.e. 38 lakh 62 thousand 271 Dalits. Similarly, Muslims are 4.9 percent i.e. 14 lakh 18 thousand 677. Unfortunately, the party and the government continued to betray their faith in representing them in the government.

Also, Nepali society is like a rainbow, from which one color is separated, it seems incomplete. This is also the reality of Nepali society. In a country known for its diversity, how can it be justified that a single community dominates all the opportunities in the state? Ethnic representation was not excluded only in the state, party and constitutional bodies. Here the representation of neglected marginalized communities in the civil sector is very worrying. After all, people were closely watching such a tragedy. In fact, the above statistics have also shown how accountable and honest Nepal's big parties were towards the democratic system.