The uprising led by Gen-G has represented the sentiments of the common Nepalese people. The only lead is Jen-G's. In this sense, we saw the biggest form of Sahariya rebellion in Nepal a month ago. It didn't happen suddenly. It's not anyone's fault. Not even through conspiracy. As I myself wrote last May, rebellion is unlikely. When in what form? How and how? I asked the question through this daily.

 For, whole parts of the kingdom were weakened. were not accessible to citizens. Such a state could not last. Let's not go too much into why the Gen-G Rebellion happened. Nepali society has already discussed it. Among the angles discussed, the most damaging angle is that it was a foreign conspiracy. Instead, it is now necessary to explore the opportunities provided by this rebellion. In fact, this is a great opportunity for Nepali politics and society. 

The opportunity to transform parties

New parties will come, they have to. For them, this uprising has a great lesson. New parties had the opportunity to learn aspects such as the method of party management, the universality of workers in the decision-making process, and the consistency of thought-behavior before being born. The party that will be formed now will not be made new by age alone. What can be done in terms of ideas, recognition, economic transparency and mainly in relations with the people and good governance? There is a great opportunity for new parties. The old parties suffered a lot.

Party office burned down. Leader's house burned. What more does it take to say that leaders are unpopular? The unpopularity of the uprising has shown the indicators that should be shown. Even now not seeing is 'Olipath'. Can old parties realize this unpopularity and transform? Considering UML President KP Sharma Oli as a basis, they cannot. The old parties are in a state of disintegration. Rejuvenating it isn't just facial reconstruction. Nepali Congress may restructure its face. But along with the face is a restructuring of ideas, strategies and programs. Which is difficult.

If the whole cannot be restructured, the parties end themselves. The restructuring of the face is also difficult for the old parties. Even the second or third generation of the old parties have lost their legitimacy in the society. Parties are expected to be approved by a convention or ritual following some procedure. There is one thing that the parties do not understand. Congressional approval of leadership cannot restore social legitimacy. In this sense, if the parties want to get up and move, a comprehensive discussion on the overall restructuring of the parties should begin. The question is again not only for the old parties, but also for the new parties, it is necessary to find a new destination. 

Nepal's political movement cannot reach its destination in the same way that it happens in a broad way. That's what happened in 2007. Even if 2046 opened a big door of change, economic, political, social and cultural transformation could not take place at the ground level. After the Maoist people's war and the people's movement of 2062/63 became one river, we said that there was no bigger movement than that, but even that did not reach its destination and a rebellion took place. The current uprising is remarkable in terms of the participation of the Sahariya masses. But there is fear, will it also lead to the destination or not? At this time, it is not only Gen-G's duty, but the duty of conscious Nepalis is to take it to its destination. What is the destination? Gen-Ji is not the only one to be put on the couch. A public debate should begin. 

The creation of a new state

After the 2007 revolution, politics moved forward with a bit of Rana's character. After 2046, the Panchayat's political character moved forward. Even after 2062/63, it continued to carry the multi-party culture, within which MPs were bought and sold. Every movement has a desire, the creation of a new state. However, it ends with the continuation of the old one. This is the great misfortune of the political movement. We must understand. The Singha Darbar, a symbol of rule for a long time, was burnt down.

No one burned the stone-soil of the lion palace in anger. The old Sinhadarbar trend or the old style of government has been burnt. The color of the Supreme Court is not being burnt now because of dislike. It is a rebellion against the way justice was administered. It was true that the weak did not get justice. Arbitrators were above the Chief Justice. Party workers were the judges. It is burned unwillingly. The Supreme Court itself used to decide what was asked and not asked. Why is the army needed in Nepal? How much do you need? There was never an argument. A new state system was seen on the cover. But the Nepali state did not change at all.

There is now a revolt against the same old decayed bureaucracy, the same old structures, the same courts, the same security system, the same structure. This rebellion gave an opportunity to create a new state. Even though the demand of Gen-Ji seems to be only against corruption, it is an aspiration for a new form of government. Aspires to a new state. This isn't just Jen-Ji's aspiration. Jen-Ji led but the aspiration of all oppressed Nepalis, marginalized Nepalis.

On this occasion, the state should be transformed and a way to fulfill the aspirations of all Nepalis should be suggested. Now some people think that elections should be held on time. This is normal. Elections should be on time. What about the day after the election? What is the 'road map' of state transformation from the day after the election? If you don't think about it, this election will not solve any problem.

It is necessary to have a comprehensive debate on the principles, beliefs and strategies of post-election state transformation. In the rhythm of federalism, old structures are completely abolished and new structures are necessary at all three levels. It is no longer a matter of maintenance and servicing, it is a matter of discarding the old and creating a new one. This rebellion has only one election and if it is done it will be a great insult to the rebellion. 

The new form of parliament

The representatives of the dissolved parliament must understand one thing. Parliamentary sovereignty remains in place as long as the people do not take to the streets. The rebellion also burned down the parliament. It should be understood from this that the Parliament did not do what it was supposed to do, the Parliament only became a tool to make and overthrow the government. Most of the parliamentarians were guided by the middleman's skull. Parties did not give MPs a role in policy making, many MPs did not seek a role. Parliament was not like Parliament.

became a gathering place for representatives of middlemen. The role of at least 90 percent of parliamentarians has become that of a middleman's representative. MPs did a lot of tikdam in the election. Played a lot of games. Spent a lot of money. The process itself was a sham. This should be understood by the parties. What was the result of the fake process adopted to win? This is the result of the fake process, rebellion. If all the people who voted were with the party, the party offices would be spared, the houses of the party leaders would be spared. Workers were not treated as workers, they were treated as slaves.

Oli is repeatedly giving a surprise by representing everyone, not only by talking about the role of Parliament. The election also failed. If so, what is our electoral process? How can the election be done with less expenses? Which people are worthy candidates and which ones are not? Overall we have to find out at once.

Otherwise, the legitimacy gained from the election may go away within two years. If MPs are not allowed to become ministers by focusing only on laws and regulations, then half of the distortions can be corrected by themselves. It can make the aforementioned selection of people in Parliament. The current insurgency has simultaneously questioned the role of parliament, the electoral system and the way parties nominate candidates. If we do not start discussing the answer to this question from today, Nepal will fall into the abyss of instability and crisis. In this sense, there is nothing more regressive than the demand for restoration of parliament.

community sovereignty 

Now when envisioning the Nepali state system, there is no need for strong structures above. He was strong in the past as well. King Mahendra, Virendra was strong. Ekta Girijababu was very strong. At one time Prachanda was also strong. At the end, Oli considered himself strong. Even if we have to run away from Baluwatar, our way should be not to have a strong structure and centralization of power, but to organize the rights among the people as much as possible, to communalize democracy.

Community universality should be promoted in a diverse country like Nepal. Even if the conflict is in a small unit, let it be resolved below. It should be recognized that conflicts can be resolved on the basis of community. Basically, there was a big difference between the political approach and the community approach. To bridge this gap, rights management must be in place. Small things are needed, big solutions are shown. which does not match the rhythm of society. The centralization of the parties and the centralization of the state structure cannot address the aspirations of the citizens. The current rebellion is an explosion of that. Rebellion had some demands, some aspirations.

demand was for corruption-free governance. The aspiration is for the transformation of the state. It can be reached only if it is analyzed in this way. We can reach our destination only if there is comprehensive political restructuring and strengthening of communalism. Politics has become so backward that it has not caught up with the pace of society. Once upon a time, knowledge was gained through experience. By the time it was time for a son or daughter to start farming, the father had been farming for 40 years, and had a lot of experience.

Today's society does not only learn by experience, there are facilities available for today's youth to learn about the world from a young age. He did not have to rely only on his mother. This is one of the reasons why youth and politics do not match. Therefore, after distribution of rights, there is room for everyone to take politics to their own aspirations. A state system is a system that gives space to all. What happened to keeping it confined? Oli knows the most. This rebellion has given a wide opportunity to the state system. Can we walk there? 

One thing should be understood from the current uprising, political parties had different arguments, formal and covert democracy. But there was no program of what to do with the youth of the Saharan middle class. A rapid process of migration drove people into the city. There was no livelihood. There was no place for the youth to engage creatively with the state apparatus. This led to extreme frustration among the large population of youth in cities and suburban areas. But the youth turned frustration into rebellion.

is also a big challenge for new parties coming now. This is where the old parties failed. If the old parties try to rise, what is the program for the urban middle class youth? We did not enter into this question. BP said, Nepal is a country made up of villages. The Congress did not put the village at the center of development, only the village. Maoists came to be influenced by Mao's policy of encircling the city from the village, talking about the city became a bit of a cliché.

This topic did not become a topic for UML to think about. What are the economic, social and political programs that will sustain people happily in the villages and the middle class youth in the cities? This is pending discussion. If we cannot answer this question and have to suffer another rebellion, we cannot stand up. Economists saw it as an attractive opportunity for remittances as the youth rebelled without staying in the country. Fake nationalists say they have no love for their country. In fact, it was a rebellion. They said, this country is not worth living. Rebellion was continuous, now it came in this form. That too is rebellion, this is also rebellion. For a long time, the youth were in rebellion.

Unchanged civil society

Nepal has a unique terminology of civil society and civil leaders. It gives a gentle exhortation to all to change. But he does not change himself. He does not know that he is 'phased out'. Because they themselves have the right to call themselves representatives and leaders of civil society. Often, such civic leaders reach the courtyard of the party, the head of the leader, to get political appointments. They exploit the state power by using the leader as a medium as long as they can get it.

When the party is weak, and the identity card of the citizen leader is taken from one of the boxes in the quota. Some civic leaders fear that Sushila Karki's government will take action against corrupt leaders. Civil society should say, take action if there is enough evidence. But don't mix prejudice in that action but they don't say. Civil society and civil leaders do not demand action against the murderous Prime Minister and Home Minister. What they want is not a new state structure, but the restoration of the parties.