There is no concept of rebellion in any constitution. But the constitution recognizes the supremacy of citizens. People's rebellion is legitimate only according to the idea that citizens have sovereignty.
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In the political journey of Nepal, each generation considers itself to be the harbinger of change, but the result has always been limited to the repetition of the same old structure, old patterns and old characters. The democratic movement of 2007 ended the Rana regime, but it did not contribute much to the real rights of the people.
The Panchayati system that came after that made the king autocratic. The 2046 movement brought a multi-party system, but the parties were mired in factionalism, bribery, corruption and power struggles.
The decade-long people's war called for the sacrifice of thousands with slogans of equality, but the results only increased transitional confusion, insecurity and mistrust . The second people's movement led to the declaration of a republic, federalism and secularism. But in practice, the ancient political culture was allowed to remain as it is.
All these incidents make one thing clear - the movements in Nepal change the form but fail to bring about a deep improvement in the characters, trends and character . From the womb of such long-term disappointment, inequality and failure, the current Gen-G movement was born.
It can't just be considered a sudden explosion . Rather, it should be considered a natural response to long-term accumulated dissatisfaction . It is specifically called public revolt. Which did not happen in the history of Nepal .
Although democracy is called the best system, when the culture that operates it deteriorates, then all the parts of democracy become anti-people . The fight against this disease is the soul of the Zen-G movement. Past movements were also often violent.
Vandalism in the streets, arson in government offices, guns and the style of going to war had given the movement a negative image among the people . But such a form is not widespread in the Zen-G movement. The youth raised their voices by lighting mobile torches, singing songs, putting up posters, and communicating directly. Even though the students left their books and took to the streets, their style was creative.
It has not only given moral strength to the movement. Public support has also increased. This style of powerful expression through non-violence links the movement to the fourth wave of global uprisings. But movements are not as pure as thought. Over time there is weakness, opportunism and outside interference. The damage, burning of files and destruction of evidences in the palace, courts etc. have definitely weakened the morale of the movement .
Such incidents have also created doubts among the people - are not regressive or opportunistic forces dominating in the name of the movement? As history shows, mass movements often end up being captured by old elites and reactionary classes . Therefore, the Zen-G movement needs to keep its activities away from the destructive path and remain steadfast to its original purpose .
The leadership dispute is challenging the movement more . Initially, the common anger created unity, but gradually different factions and groups are issuing separate statements. This has weakened the clear direction of the movement. If such a dispute continues for a long time, the possibility of the old elite class taking over the movement is high .
The interim government's strategy should be phased. In the short term, a special commission against corruption can be formed, the process of asset laundering can be started and a transparent monitoring system can be implemented in areas such as education and health. And, it can be done for free.
In the medium term, legal arrangements can be made to improve the electoral system, set age or tenure limits for candidates, and reduce party affiliation. Corruption and convictions should disqualify them from contesting elections for at least 10 years . In the long term, by strengthening civic education, efforts can be made to transform democracy towards democracy, strengthen non-party or minority-based practices, and open the possibility of technical government .
After 2010, more than two dozen countries of the world have had similar youth-people uprisings. The Arab uprising that started in Tunisia spread its influence to South Asia. New elections were held after the popular uprising in Sri Lanka, and the date of the elections in Bangladesh has been announced . These incidents show that it is difficult to explain such uprisings within the scope of the constitution.
because there is no concept of rebellion in any constitution . But the constitution has recognized civil supremacy. People's rebellion is legitimate according to the idea that citizens have sovereignty. Therefore, such movements can be considered in accordance with constitutionalism rather than being unconstitutional.
The purpose of such uprisings is not to damage democracy, but to strengthen it. But whatever has happened, Jen-G should take responsibility for it . Past movements have also taken . Otherwise, people will be misinformed about Jen-G.
because the current movement is also called the fourth wave of democracy. The first wave from the British Glorious Revolution to the First World War, the second wave from the Second World War to the 1970s, the third wave from the collapse of the communist system in the 1980s and 1990s, and the fourth wave from the uprisings since 2010. The Gen-G movement in Nepal has the potential to become a part of this fourth wave.
But the challenge is here too . Elections are held after the rebellion. But if the same party and old faces, characters and trends return from the election, it will be unfortunate. Sri Lanka has seen the old face again after holding a new election . The danger is the same in Bangladesh. Even in Nepal, if the new election brings the old face, this people's uprising will be considered a failure . Therefore, new political campaigns and polarization are urgently needed. We should create an environment where old parties and leaders can be dismissed through elections.
In this context, alternative dynamic measures should also be thought of. First, the movement should be transformed into an agenda for constitutional amendment. Second, independent citizen initiatives should be institutionalized and youth-professional organizations should be connected. Thirdly, the practice of open voting or collection of suggestions can be started through digital platforms to bring transparency in the selection of leadership .
The system of voting should be digitized . Arrangements should be made to vote from wherever one is. Fourth, special provisions should be kept in the Election Act to create an environment for the emergence of new parties and new faces. Fifth, through peaceful pressure to the international community, the need for reforming democratic practices in Nepal can be presented .
Now the main question is this — is the path drawn by Jen-G new or old? The answer is not simple. Although it looks like a continuation of the old movements, there is a newness in consciousness, style and aspirations. If the movement learns from past failures, overcomes leadership disputes and shows unity, rejects foreign manipulation and takes its demands to the institutional level, then this path will be truly new .
If the movement is again limited to occupation, partition and failure as in the past, it will be a repeat of the old history . Although the path drawn by Jen-Ji is connected to the past, it is illuminated by a new consciousness .
This way is not to give another chance to opportunists, it can be a way to build an inclusive, transparent and people-oriented state . If Jen-G seizes the opportunity, new history will be written . Missing the opportunity will add itself to the long list of failed chapters .
