Upendra Yadav, who used to be a member of the UML and sometimes a communist, suddenly emerged as the leader of the Madhesi People's Rights Forum and became a major player in national politics within a short period of time. His party became decisive in the first presidential election of republic Nepal.

Today, his political relevance has shrunk and is limited to speeches. It is not that journalists who interpret the Supreme Court's mandate to investigate the accused do not know the difference between an encounter and a murder. There is a mood of joy in the crowd of those who use the news as a weapon to show Yadav his worth.

CK Raut, who raised the issue of Madhesh Swaraj, dressed in a blue suit in the style of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Bhimrao Ambedkar, gave examples of Buddha, Mahatma Gandhi and Nelson Mandela and used to talk about resilience, struggle and indomitable will. Now they are seeking enlightenment by embracing Oshopath. Although he has not stepped down from a suit to a dhoti like Gandhi, he prefers the pajama-kurta sajjin and is determined to surrender to Mandela's politics of reconciliation and turn his party into a political enterprise of associates and family members.

Devendra Yadav, a soft-spoken and soft-spoken member of the third Madhesi rebellion, reached the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in Geneva, Switzerland, as an activist of the United Democratic Madhesi Front. The accusation against him may be political in nature. Now, after getting the membership of the Congress, he has to be dismissed within a day. There is a saying that 'the living is seen'. But the matter is not of person or time but of place and situation.

Most of the people of the subordinate community dream of becoming partners in the state power only when they are deep asleep. When he wakes up, he thinks - 'Alas, if I too had been born in a dominant community, I would have been able to dream with awake eyes!' It's hard to argue with the belief that some people have indomitable ambition as an innate quality. The role of contingency and chance in the development of human society cannot be denied.

It is a common fact that even kids who are determined to become world champions in Gucha, Gatta or Dandibio will change their goals over time. Due to suitable social environment, capable economic situation and favorable cultural environment, very few promising young people have the will to fly in the free sky rather than crawling on the ground, walking fast, running erratically or climbing stairs.

Even though equal opportunities are not available to all dominant youth, there are few people of the Khasary community who do not find even a lisno to rise above their background in life if they look for it. In principle, the democratic system should end the subordinate situation. Practically speaking, majoritarianism does not allow the dominance of the dominant community to be hollowed out in economic politics.

Most of the tribal activists among the subordinate communities of Nepal have determined their limitations within the economic politics of Khasary domination. Balaram Ghartimagar, who succeeded in making Kadawar Sakshiyat (Towering Personality) among the Magars after King Birendra appointed him as the Defense Minister, was satisfied with the response that even the royal relatives in the post of Generals now have to salute him.

CPN-UML vice-president and Constituent Assembly chairman Subash Chandra Nemwang never let his political ability turn into an ambition to claim more than the blessing he received from the party chairman. Even now, rising Limbu politician and Rashtriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) President Rajendra Lingden became active in royalist politics with more energy after meeting with Gyanendra Shah, the last chairman of the royal cabinet.

Madhesi politicians have more ambitions than their abilities, do not understand their limitations, enter the competition without sufficient preparation and lose their political capital by accepting humiliating compromises instead of showing restraint in the struggle after being exposed to the harsh ground of ethnic reality. Devendra Yadav also reached the shelter of Congress to seek relief. He has also learned to live in humility.

Political othering is the process by which the ruling cultural group separates and assigns different identities as ``us'' and ``others''. Due to the lack of foresight and restraint among the politicians committed to the Madhesh issue, no matter how hard they try to get rid of the effects of the alienation campaign, it is not easy to see an immediate change in the condition of the Madheshis.

If we take the current situation of Madhesh province as a symbolic example, the data such as human development index 0.548 and estimated per capita income of 932 dollars show that the average Madheshi is in the weakest condition in the country in terms of both social and economic standards. Population density is high not only in Madhesh province but also in entire Terai-Madhesh region. Available natural resources are limited. Most of the population is dependent on agriculture without irrigation facilities and timely availability of adequate and appropriate seeds, fertilizers and expert advice.

Naturally, low productivity does not allow the average farmer to escape the vicious cycle of poverty. On the one hand, overpopulation creates pressure on the availability of education and health services in the public sector, and on the other hand, due to widespread poverty, the general public cannot afford the high fees charged by the for-profit sector. Such a situation has not been created in four-five decades. The history of alienation of Madheshis has started since the formation of the state of Nepal. As the cause of economic, social and cultural crisis is political, it is natural that the solution should be found within politics.

Bargainers' Empire

Traditional politics was based on a particular philosophy, ideology, or principle. Without going into a detailed explanation, all established political ideologies have their own characteristics. Liberals talk about preserving culture and traditions. For status quoists, political stability, cultural superiority, and social morality are the highest public values.

Liberals focus on political equality and the rule of law among citizens, ignoring historical and structural inequality. Capitalism places the autonomy of the individual and the sovereignty of the market above the public good. Progressive transformation of society based on equality is the objective of socialists. Communists sell the dream of an earthly paradise of class equality. In all other political philosophies except liberalism and communism, the practice of government based on democratic principles is possible.

Initially, politics was studied as a supreme philosophy. For thinkers like Plato, Aristotle or Kautilya, there was nothing higher than political philosophy in the subjects of study and contemplation. European thinkers such as Machiavelli, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Montesquieu gradually transformed philosophy into an ideology based on rational inquiry. Karl Marx, who is more famous as a social analyst and catalyst of revolution than a political thinker, suggests theories and formulas, but does not deviate from his aim of establishing an alternative ideology. Although Marx is credited with providing a theoretical and scientific basis to ideological politics, Lenin's contribution to making ideology a practical theory (praxis) through formulas such as the revolutionary leading party, the justification of one-party power and the dictatorship of the proletariat is probably considered decisive. Marx enjoyed arguments based on historical facts and scholarly debates based on social conditions, after Lenin he was included in the eponymous "-ism".

No matter how much the scholars of Marxist-Leninist ideologies praise 'scientific politics', it is probably more appropriate to consider Max Weber, a German sociologist who studies politics based on observation, comparison, classification, and theoretical clarity, as a 'pioneer thinker of scientific politics'. He also pointed out the risk of excessive formalism and inhumanity of morality and value-free governance. But no one heeded the warning of the theorist, whether executioner or communist, who is considered to be the foremost pioneer of scientific politics, and the 20th century AD became a period of terrible human tragedies caused by absolute politics.

The practice of studying politics by transforming it from philosophy, economics and sociology into 'political science' had already started in America as well as in Germany. In 1880, Columbia University established 'Political Science' as a separate department. Scientific politics tends to be based more on facts and evidence than opinion. As the use of data increases in policy, program or law making, empathy for the most vulnerable is overshadowed.

attempts to find an analytical solution to every problem, resulting in potential unintended consequences being overlooked. Evaluation of medium and long-term results does not get priority in policy making because immediate returns are attractive. It won't be long before value-neutral politics degenerates into mutual transactions.

The practice of elites not letting power slip away from their hands through perverse practices such as patron-client relationships and the buying and selling of constituencies is deeply connected to the history of democracy. However, US President Dwight D. warned that the interest groups could destroy the democratic process by establishing a bipartisan agreement under the influence of lobbyists through the term "military-industrial alliance". Eisenhower pointed out in his 1961 farewell address.

After the 1960s, as the Cold War deepened, both the American and Soviet sides began to limit politics to management. In the eyes of the Soviets, democracy was merely a cover for traditional elite rule. In the assessment of the Americans, the most backward countries including Nepal were not ready for democratic governance and their primary need was material development that could only be implemented through a strong savior.

By the 1980s, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and American President Ronald Reagan succeeded in establishing the basis of neo-liberalism by mainstreaming the ideas of market thinkers such as Frederic Hayek and Milton Friedman, who had been overshadowed by populist politicians. After the fall of the Soviet Union around 1989, the sovereignty of the market was established as the main objective of democracy through the formula of 'globalization, privatization and liberalization'. The

market operates according to its investment and return calculations. In market ethics it is acceptable to do anything to maximize profit unless it is clearly legally criminal. Due to the global influence of Western, and especially American, political scientists, the practice of democratic politics has become completely calculative and data-driven and transactional.

Both the dominant and the subordinate understand that there is no choice but to stick to power no matter what they do to survive in bargain politics. Therefore, in 2015, a 16-point conspiracy was woven to re-establish the Khasaryan supremacy, assuming that the satasin's stranglehold and the governed's snobbery will continue. The Third Madhesh Rebellion is considered to be an immature start because it could not get the support of any other subordinate community including the tribe.

The possibility of Madhesh-dependent parties getting the support of other subordinate groups of Nepal in the near future is not zero, but very low. Therefore, no matter how much they wander, the aspiring politicians of Madhesh are longing to get the shelter of the political parties dominated by Khasarya. Madhesh-dependent parties are eager to maintain their proximity to power by accepting any role. In transactional politics, even the voters will be maintained by mutual transactions.

Ideological subjugation

Supremacy does not require much thought. Telling the real or imaginary glorious story of the past is enough to praise the great and glorious tradition. The concept of a modern sovereign nation-state based on territorial boundaries and political independence was established by the Westphalian system in the mid-seventeenth century AD.

-State (Nation-State) - Yes, that concept and the 'nation' of share joint language, culture and identity is later, especially for the eighteenth and nineteenth century, developing and in the process of refusing. Republic President Rajendra Prasndra Prasad envisated 'the nation-inspirational state' rather than the eternity nation). Bhimarav Ambedkar felt the appropriate City state 'shaversia. Although the multi-national situation is the reality of the contemporary world, there is no shortage of ethnic thinking people. Such a concept in Nepal is an installed as nationalism. When the claims of Story-BRAK Nepal were born in Nepal and Buddha Nepal, the internal postage of 'Gorkha government was reported by the internal postage of' Gorkha Government. Now you say Nepal for all the inhabitants of the capital were Kathmandu Valley.

is currently in an emotional existence after the end of Ranashophi in 1951. Even if the vocality of the 2015 constitution has "reaped the 2015, said that the General Thorld 'Constitution is dominated by the vocabulary, the community of the Nepali Victim. Indians can indians and the song of Graza of Hinduism also sing with pride and the Nepali language is a constitutional recognition in India.

Nepal cannot be done a new and pioneer and pioneer, which cannot be said of living future. It is difficult to strengthen the integrity and autonomy of the state by eliminating a third population of about one-third of the country. According to Hindi Khaneta Burma Burma Burma's famous poetry, "