Three possibilities after Bhandari's return to UML

Bhandari's return is bound to bring turmoil in UML. There is sure to be massive polarization now. Because, Bhandari is not the weak vice president of 2072. She will be powerful. Now those who consider him as a leader can dare to break the hesitancy to register a dissenting opinion against the current president KP Sharma Oli.

Ashad 15, 2082

Kishor dahal

Three possibilities after Bhandari's return to UML

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Former President Bidya Bhandari made the long-awaited announcement at a program held at the National Assembly on Saturday - 'After being freed from various political responsibilities, I have renewed my party membership with the sacred intention of continuing the party's political journey by remaining in the CPN (UML). Now I am rejoined as a member of the CPN (UML) family and I am proud of it.

Bhandari's announcement was approved by the leaders and workers present in the program with a big applause.

After leaving the presidency, there was talk of him returning to the CPN-UML, but it was not officially announced . Finally, on Saturday, it has been resolved . However, she said in her announcement that she is connected to the UML family and that she has no specific ambitions. It is not believable that a former President of UML returned to party politics with only the desire to become an activist. The line to see him as the future president of UML is strong within UML . There is also a basis for it.

The return of the former president's party is a remarkable event in the Kalilo Republic of Nepal. When he was in the chair of the president, he was accused of taking decisions to help UML. When he returned to UML, the accusation against him at that time was confirmed to be close to the truth.

Mainly Bhandari's return to party politics will contribute to weakening the credibility of the republic. The fact that a person who has been the president of the nation is trying to become the president of the party gives strength to those who analyze the threat to the republic from the republicans themselves. In the coming days, those who want to return to the party will be strongly opposed to becoming president.

Bhandari's comeback is sure to bring turmoil to UML. There is sure to be a massive polarization now . Because, Bhandari is not the weak vice president of 2072. She will be powerful . Now those who consider him as a leader can dare to break the hesitancy to register a dissenting opinion against the current president KP Sharma Oli . As the eleventh convention of UML approaches, this process may intensify .

is likely to bring other notable innovations in Nepal's politics.

The first possibility - the first woman to be the head of UML

An example can be found of a woman leading a political party in Nepal. After the death of Pushpalal in the year 2035, the Communist Party led by him was led by Sahna Pradhan, who was also his wife. Similarly, Pampha Bhusal was the leader of the then United People's Front for some time. Anandi Devi Singh of Nepal Sadbhavana Anandi Devi and Sarita Giri have led the Nepal Sadbhavana Party in the Madhes-centric party. 

UML is a more influential party than them. It is from this party that Manmohan Adhikari, Madhav Kumar Nepal, Jhalnath Khanal and KP Sharma Oli have become Prime Minister 6 times. Vidya Bhandari's decision to be active in UML is linked to her aspiration to lead an influential party like UML and not other weak parties of the past.

After the emergence of KP Sharma Oli from the ninth convention, the party is under his control. Even after the split between CPN and UML, the party is being operated by Oli's single decision and desire. There is a situation where the opposition voice cannot stand . Clarifications and expulsions have become the norm . Expulsion of Bhim Rawal and suspension of Vinda Pandey and Ushakiran Timilsina for 6 months are examples of that.

When the arbitrariness of the leadership increases in any party, those who suffer from it try to develop alternative leadership . In some cases, the party is divided. In some cases alternative leadership emerges . Like, the victims and dissatisfiers of Girija Prasad Koirala in the Nepali Congress helped the rise of Sher Bahadur Deuba. The party itself split in 2059. Even in UML, there is a large group of people suffering from Oli and dissatisfied with him . So that he can take a strategy to welcome or not oppose the arrival of Bhandari . In that case, he can be installed in the party leadership.

However, Oli is powerful within the party . He can abuse party power and state power for the approval of his wishes. Can amend the statute . Therefore, Bhandari's access to the leadership of UML may be difficult. But not impossible . Campaigns like 'Madan's Policy, Vidya's Leadership' are going on in social media to create an atmosphere in his favor. Which can lead many of Jabz supporters emotionally to Bhandari .

The second possibility - the first female prime minister

The discussion of a female prime minister has been going on many times in the politics of Nepal. However, most of the male Prime Ministers and former Prime Ministers repeat such discussions during their speeches. While answering the questions of the participants in the Youth Conclave held in Kathmandu last year on August 8, Prime Minister Oli himself said that he wanted to make the first woman Prime Minister, saying that he had made women the first President, Chief Justice, Speaker and Chief Secretary. But you have to prepare a little for that. In reality, it may be a little difficult to say that I will make a woman prime minister in two months, three months, next year, but I am thinking about preparing to make it soon. It is not that he did not even try for that . Shailaja Acharya belongs to such a leader.

Shanta Ghimire of Biratnagar, who went to meet Shaili Acharya, who was jailed for showing the black flag to King Mahendra, recalls, "Shailaja would never stay till the end of the meeting". He would go from the center waving his hand like a leader. She used to wave her hand saying 'First Lady Prime Minister of Nepal' rather than what A Shailaja did,' she says . At that time, she started preparing herself for the future prime minister. Shailaja's five decades of active politics show that it was not just the prison thrill of a political prisoner.

( Anvika Giri/February 15, 2072/Kantipur Koseli ) After Congress became the second largest party in the 2051 general election, Girija Prasad Koirala was disinterested in becoming the leader of the parliamentary party, and Acharya along with Sher Bahadur Deuba, Khum Bahadur Khadka, Ramchandra Paudel and eight other leaders moved ahead. Acharya was stopped by Koirala. Finally, Deuba became the leader of the parliamentary party and also the prime minister.

In June last year, UML President KP Sharma Oli became the Prime Minister after the power sharing between Congress and UML. Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba's turn is said to be after him . However, foreign minister Arju Rana, who is Deuba's wife, was expected to become the prime minister after Oli.

When Arju went to Delhi last August, the respect he received from the Prime Minister reinforced such an assessment. The comment was made in Nepal that the honor given by Delhi, which is said to have an influence on Nepal's power politics, has a special meaning. But when he reached Delhi again in January, he was not given the same respect as the previous time, so that assessment has stopped.

Bidya Bhandari's announcement of active politics again from UML and the possibility of leading it is connected with the possibility of her becoming the Prime Minister. Having a strong party head makes such a possibility easy for anyone. Bhandari has been president twice so it becomes easier.

The third possibility - strength of left unity!

Looking at the unified votes received by different communist parties in every election, the people's fascination for these parties is clear. However, since they compete among themselves, their parliamentary presence is not only weak, but the non-communist party is also benefiting. On the other hand, there are four or five parties in the parliament. That's why the workers have been wanting more and more parties with communist names to be united.

Also, if you look at the history of the communist parties of Nepal for seven and a half decades, you will find many signs of unity and division. The strongest effort of unity was in 2074-75. Bhangala UML and Maoist Center, two factions of the Nepali Communist Movement who advocated and used peaceful and armed politics, announced the left alliance before the 2074 elections. The two big communist parties made a coalition in the election and promised unity. Activists and voters approved such a promise . Almost two-thirds of the votes were given in the parliament.

There was a unity between the two parties on June 3, 2075 and the CPN was formed. After becoming the strongest and most influential communist party in history, it brought great enthusiasm to politics among the workers. But this unity did not last long. In 2077, when the dispute within the party had caused an informal split, the Supreme Court formally returned both parties to their previous status through a decision.

Leaders and activists are still analyzing the hasty unity that did not last. At the same time, there are also those who are in favor of re-mature unity . Mainly, the leaders and workers who are trying to bring back Bidya Bhandari to UML have projected Vidya Bhandari as a strong symbol of unity. In the background of Oli's rejection of unity by saying that there is no left wing other than UML, Bhandari hopes that the dialogue on unity under the leadership of UML can proceed smoothly.

But Chairman of Maoist Center Pushpa Kamal Dahal says that he will not see the basis of unity as soon as Bhandari Bhandari comes to UML . In an interview published in Kantipur Daily on June 8, 2082, he said that KPG and Vidyaji's political views, traditions and thinking are the same. "I don't see that as soon as KPG goes to UML and Vidyaji comes, it will become the basis of left unity", he said.

( 'Both of us feel that the relationship between Deuba and I is easy' [interview] ) There is a strong understanding in Nepal that even China wishes for and encourages left unity. Despite that, Dahal has pointed out that the possibility of unity is weak. He said, "The leader of China always expresses that the left wing would have been united". It is an 'open secret'. But Nepal's leftists do not act according to China's intentions. They make decisions according to their own thoughts, conscience and circumstances.'

Kishor

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