For the past few months, there have been a program of protests centered on Kathmandu in the joint initiative of some religious and other groups, including the RPPA, with the demand for the restoration of the monarchy. Even though it was said to be peaceful, it was also seen that violence flared up in that event. From the leaders of the protesting group, threats were made public, from saying that no one could stop Gyanendra Shah from entering the palace, to giving the leader of the ruling party time to escape by boat.

From some retired military officers of India to the media world debated and explained along these lines. Even BBC Hindi, which is considered more reliable than 'Godi Media', aired special reports, news and interviews examining people and opinions related to this path in Nepal. Explaining the political reach and religious leanings of the ruling party's foreign affairs department head and the Uttar Pradesh chief minister, the established media/organizers also joined in propagating the support of the Indian establishment in the movement.

The Nepali army's evergreen speech that 'Nepali army is (always) with the people', as if it means support, support and cooperation in the movement for the restoration of the Nepali army's monarchy, was trolled on social media by misusing his picture as well. Even if Nepalis living in countries/abroad believe such trolls who do not have the time and power to think and research whether the

is planned misinformation, propaganda and 'disinformation'. Now suddenly the movement has stopped. According to RPP President Rajendra Lingden, the movement has been postponed due to rain and to prepare for the next level of movement. But Kamal Thapa is seen explaining that the movement will not stop through social media, saying that the issue of monarchy and Hindu supremacy will remain relevant until the geopolitical, social and cultural situation changes.

Fake propaganda and illusion of the atmosphere

The entire party of former Panchs, RPP, has not been able to gain a great status in the parliament since the multi-party system of the republic. However, the government has been participating in the acquisition and operation of power. Even in the republic, the agenda of democracy with monarchy and Hindu supremacy is being carried. But there is no consensus among the supporters of the monarchy. RPRPA and the leadership of RPRPA Nepal, including Lyngden and Kamal Thapa, went to the election competition together with the republican party, and it became a situation that they were elected.

Kamal Thapa left the issue of restoration of the monarchy and was happy in the republic, Thapa himself claims that the former king Gyanendra Shah was the decisive factor in giving Rajendra Lingden the leadership in the last session. After Lingden, who was chosen by the Shah as a new porter for the restoration of the monarchy, started walking on the Thapa path, Gyanendra Shah himself began to be active in many ways.

Despite the legacy of the panchayat, there have been many behind-the-scenes efforts/initiatives in the past to bring leaders like Prakashchandra Lohani, Pashupatishamsher Rana, Lokendra Bahadur Chand, Kamal Thapa and others who were divided into small groups together, but the results have not been seen as they are now.

In the last stage, in the name of religious journey, Shah himself will go to the monasteries inside and outside the country, mobilize people to lay flower garlands there and also mobilize social/media and people for propaganda, from gestures, dialects, mingling that reflect patience/tolerance. From this, it was seen that Purvaraja lived happily within the country, showed equality as a people, traveled far and wide, and followed religious culture. As yesterday's king now walked as a citizen, it was natural to increase respect and goodwill among common people who did not experience his past actions, political appetite and crooked personality. 

On the other hand, those who are irritated by not being able to benefit from the state, the current party and the leadership, who have declared a movement to plead or challenge the state because of 'bank corruption', those who have benefited enough from panchayats and royal institutions and are forced to shrink in the republican period but are looking for opportunities, those who are engaged in the strategy of increasing manpower by joining the royal institutions, and those who are engaged in politics of religion inside and outside the country, including those who are involved in politics of religion inside and outside the country, are visible and visible. And got a chance and a place to be used.

But as Mahatma Gandhi said that 'the means determine the destination and the result', such actions were not attractive to the masses who were dissatisfied with the fact that the republic could not be institutionalized and operated in a lawful, good governance and civilized manner due to the politics of incitement and incitement by a baseless group and the display of violence and insolence and were angry with the leadership of the big political parties and would not help in the struggle for the restoration of the monarchy.

Neither people went to the movement of supporters of the monarchy, nor did their supporters take this program outside Kathmandu. Months of preparation, Shah's appeal for public support, cultivation of illusion by the organizers of 'bringing the king into the palace', the movement started with the masses gathered on the road when he was returning from Pokhara, the destruction and killing of Tinkune-Koteshwar, and now stopped at Ratnapark.

What is the latest agenda of nation building?

politics is not possible without public support and participation, for that political agenda is key. In the gap of two decades, now is the time, people are calling us to help us, forgetting the extremism, despotism and fear-mongering actions of yesterday, and the citizens of today do not do sati for the same old people and families in the name of the royal institution.

Creating a commentary that the ancestors who dreamed of Gorkha unification and the current territory is the result of it, the graceful and beautiful Himani as 'Queen' and her 22-year-old son Hridayendra Shah, who is active in the work of the Himani Trust, is being propagated in a planned manner as the future king. To think like this is to underestimate the level of public awareness and the rights obtained by the people.  The

summoner has no thought, blueprint, of what the kingdom is about and how it is possible and relevant. No king comes saying come and save the country, nor has a king without people saved or can save the country. The slogans of the protestors are 'Raja Sabka Bazha', 'Above Party'.

How can Shah, who favors the establishment of Hindu dominion and considers only the small archaic RPP among the parties organized on the basis of political ideas, chooses the leader of the movement from the same line and considers all other republican communities and parties as aliens, be above everyone's common and party? The slogan does not seem to establish justification. 

The main reason for the rise in anger in Nepal is that compared to other countries, our development activity has been slow, governance has not been as expected, employment has not increased, irregularities have not stopped, the class gap has increased and there is chaos. To improve this situation, what can the royal government do as a nominal head of state? On this matter, the supporters of Rajsatsha have not been able to formulate and share any point of view.

Because the state power is formed and operated by making policies, making decisions and implementing them, yet again the representatives of the parties elected by the people are the House and the government. Either the concept of monarchy during Mahendra's time had to be - for the king to be decisive in the kingdom. In a non-partisan autocracy, there are no barriers to the leadership taking decisions and implementing them, the same is omnipotent.

On the other hand, Thapa's argument that the legitimacy of the monarchy will continue as long as the current geopolitical situation and culture is maintained is even more tenuous. In Nepal, the monarchy itself did not and does not have any love for power. This is seen in active monarchy as it is easy for external powers to 'engage' with only one power. Otherwise, everyone will determine and maintain diplomatic relations with the national interest. Active monarchy is not the interest of the organizers, and even in the case of diplomatic relations, the monarchy they advocated for does not get any special executive role except for the ``ceremonial'' of receiving and providing hospitality as suggested by the government like the current president.

Now Nepali people have come to understand politics so much. The discussion and movement that has arisen now gave a chance to understand even the small part that did not understand this. Now the supporters of the monarchy demand - a new understanding! It is not clear who, why, what, how and for what reason. If the republican party has that proposal, then there is no sign or basis that a few hundred/thousand Kathmandu-centered leaderless gathering of thousands of workers and millions of voters from each of them can bring to that agreement and agree. 

Why did the movement stop?

First, there is no leadership in the movement. There was no such thing as a credible and epochal change politician based on retrogressive issues. People of the old age who think the constitution of 2047 is right just by remembering the character and face of Gyanendra and Paras Shah, they can't argue. Neither the institutions nor the individuals that have been moved forward can be considered as the standard of future politics. Funnily enough, he himself is nowhere to be seen, nor are his children. The

scene seems to be that some people on the streets return the monarchy and give it to him in installments, thinking that he will sit and make the majority happy. Gyanendra Shah's attitude of staging a play from the background, choosing this and that character, trying to be the center of attraction by confronting each other and taking turns, mobilizing people from behind the scenes, calling them to various 'venues', inciting and inciting but not wanting to take responsibility for the consequences of his actions was seen. Why others would fight and die for cognitive deviations that seem impossible to themselves and others hesitate to ask is the question.

Secondly, Gyanendra appointed such a person as the first coordinator of the movement, who not only made it easy, informed and aware to know Shah's personal and professional past by printing a book with sources, but also exposed the real form and parts of Shah to the future generations.

How ethical and credible is it to advocate that Gyanendra Shah be made king again now? Instead, another alternative commander, Jagman Gurung, who has taken the opportunity by cheating the leadership of Ajeevan Uma, who is full of baseless gossip and lies, illusions and pretenses that do not agree with science, who could not control his behavior even after using and abusing the leadership of the Communist Party to fulfill his ambition to become rich overnight, the use of Durga Prasain, who challenged the state to do nothing, can be considered as another part of the series of selecting Navraj Subedi.

can be said here, even though the choice itself was Gyanendra's, the result was what it should have been. The coordinator cannot work in the old movement, now he himself is silent after the failure of the date set by the co-commander Jagman Gurung to restore the monarchy. They are not saying that this fanciful illusion is being spread, but because of the laziness of Gyanendra Shah and his supporters, they have started to cover up that it is not possible. Even though the Shah appointed a commander, Prasain has been complaining in jail saying that he has not been given responsibility.

When Rabindra Mishra and others who had reached out to Shimdi Shah before deciding whether or not to participate in the movement were detained, disproving the common assumption that the state installed Jhinga as a leader at gunpoint, they are silent and disappeared after being released from detention.

A politician dedicated to a 'cause' does not get away from a single detention, while doing 'anti-systemic' politics, the state which is in charge of protecting the constitution does an investigation, and should have been prepared for the fact that many times more harsh situations may be faced. But, it didn't look like that. 

Politically, the RPP, which is supposed to be organized, cultured and decent, is itself confused. Even today, Lingden, who was preferred by Shah as the chairman, is not seen as a universally accepted leader within the party. Other established leaders in the panchayat legacy and their cohorts do not trust him and he is alone if the old and established leaders are unanimous.

On the other hand, Lingden is not confident with Shah's other relatives and seems to be hesitant to fully participate in the joint movement and accept the leader appointed by Shah. In the competitive election strategy, CPN-UML did not field its candidate and asked its voters to vote for the RP  symbol, and Bikram Pandey, Deepak Bohra and Dhavalshamsher along with Lingden became MPs.