Our main political parties are worried about how to repair their deteriorating relationship with the people. In the name of improving public relations, pictures and video clips of party leaders visiting various places in a touristic style can be seen on social media. In this initiative, the Maoist and its supremo have started mass communication and meetings in the hilly areas which are said to be their base.

The outward leap has no scope for qualitative improvement unless one realizes that among the many causes of Maoist decline, policy confusion and intransigence are at the top. There has been a serious deviation in their style, behavior and policy in Prachanda's own language. In order to improve it, before going to the villages, policy clarity and practical political direction are needed, and the strategy and style should be adopted accordingly.

Without political clarity, development and prosperity become a mirage while ignoring the scientific fact that any kind of hoothooti will do nothing. But the way of Maoists and the condition of the common people who are following the footsteps of the Rabaiya Congress-UML does not show any signs that they will stop harassing them easily. It is necessary to seriously consider the context of public relations, development construction and the political direction of the party and how the lifestyle of the leaders should be, how the party claiming to be socialist can overcome the contemporary global neoliberal epidemic. 

According to Antonio Gramsci, just as the ruling class has established dominance to make its ideology acceptable to the society, the socialist party should challenge and establish the ideological leadership of the working class to counter it. For this, continuous ideological and cultural work should be conducted to integrate the oppressed classes.

may be due to unknown memory, lately Prachanda's party has been trying to reach among the people as much as possible saying that they are isolated from the people. Prachanda's party likes to quote Lenin, Stalin and Mao more than Ho Chi Minh and Gramsci, but Sher Bahadur Deuba, KP Oli and Rajendra, who prefers the footsteps of far-right anarchist neoliberals like Trump, Narendra Modi to Sheikh Hasina.

It is a sad farce of the Nepali Left to be seen as equal to the Lingdens. Historically, while Lenin emphasized the ideological and organizational leadership of the vanguard, Ho Chi Minh focused more on emotional and moral unity with the people. Lenin's approach was based on more theoretical and scientific socialism, Ho Chi Minh invented a more practical, people-centered and national liberation strategy and tactics, which is the legacy of today's Vietnam. 

Contemporary leftists around the world should learn a name very few have heard of, Rosa Luxemburg. Luxemburg's deep belief that the greatest power of the revolution lies in the spontaneous struggle of the people, that the socialist party should organize this struggle, but not try to control it, can be sustained if the left party of Nepal assimilates it at this time. More emphatically 'freedom without socialism is incomplete and socialism without freedom is impossible. The belief that the Samajwadi Party should combine these two seems to be timeless.

Gramsci saw the socialist left as an institution providing cultural and ideological leadership, establishing priorities. Luxemburg saw the party as a means of organizing the spontaneous struggle of the people and guiding them on the path of democratic socialism. Both these views emphasize the character of the socialist party as revolutionary, people-centered and anti-capitalist, but differ in strategy and priorities. 

The idea that the working class and its leadership should learn from the revolutionary experience and move forward seems to be instructing the Nepali left-wing parties. But Nepal's main left-wing party, Maoist and UML's Rabaiya fifty-paise coin, is converging on the rotation of the neoliberal Thimaha Shakti Congress.

The ego of both these parties must have burst, the demonstration of the open confession that they are moving away from the people can be considered as the running and campaigning they did one after the other in the districts around the highway-centered and mid-hill road. How much such a campaign connected with the people is a matter of separate debate, but one can understand their self-acceptance of being isolated from the people. 

Now Nepal's terrestrial economy has changed a lot compared to a few decades ago. Physical and social infrastructure has increased, but its return has not been seen in the growth of output and productivity and employment. As the process of urbanization increases, so does the rapidity of migration from villages to cities. The descent from the mountains to the plains has been continuing at a rapid pace for nearly seven decades.

Seven decades ago, about 36 percent of Nepal's population lived in Terai, now that population is more than 50 percent. The destination and flow of migration outside Nepal has changed. In the 2068 census, 1.9 million Nepalese were outside the country, but now that number is estimated to have increased to 30-35 million. Most of them are in the Gulf and Southeast Asia. The hills are gradually losing population. As a result, taking advantage of the mountain's natural resources and comparative advantage is declining.

How to make the population of the mountains stay in the mountains, how to mobilize, use and benefit from natural resources throughout Nepal and especially in the mountains, how to encourage environment-friendly infrastructure and urbanization in the mountains and how to create widespread employment through small and medium enterprises ? As some burning questions of the terrestrial economy cannot be solved, the left party of Nepal is facing a bad political shock, and it is sure to become more intense. 

Despite the unprecedented change in Nepali politics, there is no expected change in the living standards of the people because of political corruption and the capture of the government administration by middlemen. As Lenin said, "A man is corrupted not by intention but by circumstances." If the method and system cannot be changed according to the situation, corruption and irregularity will increase.'' In order to correct this situation, the Maoists have started a campaign centered on Madhyapahari Lokmarg after the Terai-Madhesh awakening campaign. 

When he got the opportunity to become the prime minister of the first government after the republic, the Prachanda-led government started the Pushpalal Madhyapahari Lokmarg, which is 1,879 km long connecting North-South and East-West. In this way, the Maoist supremo also had an emotional connection with this road. The stretch from far Baitadi through Rukum-Rolpa to Gorkha was like the main base of the ten-year movement of the Maoists. But there is poor performance in the same area in the parliamentary elections.

In order to change this, Prachanda is leaving the comforts of Kathmandu and settling in the hilly villages. Sometimes the strawberry fields of the Himalayan farmers and sometimes the Balindra streams of the martyrs' families are sniffing with tears. In Thabang, Jeevan Sharma's song 'Simli Chhaya' has Maoists dancing along with him. Can Prachanda advance the party life as Rosa Luxemburg said, the character of the socialist left party as an organizer of the proletarian revolution and the spontaneous movement of the people? That must be the most terrifying question. 

Coincidentally, the team with this columnist had a happy chance to meet Prachanda's Lokmarg Abhiyan in some districts of the west while touring the hill districts for the past one month. The remarkable aspect seen in that sequence is that the desire of common people to get a glimpse of Prachanda is completely different from Prachanda's emphasis on demonization in the city.

Now his morning run, simple lunch-breakfast, mass meal in the mess and even staying at common people's house are seen as a separate political campaign. But again, it remains to be seen whether his party can mold such passion into political power and style.

The most important thing is that if Prachanda himself keeps getting bogged down in nonsense jargon from the name of the party about creating a popular party and maintaining an easy political style and people's favor among the people, it is certain that the energy he spent recently will not be more than temporary entertainment. 

At least now, the classical system of scientific socialism in Nepal is impossible during Prachanda's lifetime. If you have the courage to accept this bitter truth, you must have the courage to lead the campaign to build a liberal welfare socialist state. Can Prachanda grasp the challenge of getting rid of neoliberalism and embracing most liberal beliefs?

Can at least one Indian state show the integrity to run a government as big as Kerala while practically imbibing the teachings of Luxemburg and Gramsci while fondly reminiscing about Marx to Mao? If Prachanda wants to find it, he will find it useful to read David Harvey. Rapid migration and proportional distribution and development will not be impossible only if the physical development that has reached most parts of Nepal is put into the path of education, health, employment and entrepreneurship for inclusive human development. 

Earlier, Prachanda has circumambulated the same route after UML circumambulated the Madhyapahari Lokmarg. In other words, such political tourism is now becoming a new tradition of regular politics. Prachanda was the initiator of such campaign. At the height of the election campaign for the second Constituent Assembly, he ran a campaign centered on the east-west highway from Kakdavitta in the east to Mahendranagar in the west. As it ended in a tragic end, the Maoist tragedy continues till today.

Prachanda Hulaki has once again gone up to the hills after completing the highway-focused public dialogue to create a party according to good politics and inclusive development as well as deteriorating party policies, leaders' conduct and people's understanding. Can Prachanda explain the example of Baburam Bhattarai's and Oli's trip to Madhyapahar, instead of turning into a political virtue, it has resulted in degradation and harming the mountain people's life? This is the question of the people who are still living a miserable life in that area. 

The concept of North-South Lokmarg, Madhyapahari Lokmarg and Hulaki Marg has been introduced with the aim of expanding commercial and economic activities. Transport connectivity alone does not lead to development. Infrastructural development can have a positive impact on the economy when well-planned projects are well thought out and well-planned.

For example, what we export and import by road or rail, where and how it will affect our production and productivity and the mobilization, use and value addition of resources, what policy programs will be needed for that, where, what kind of income generating jobs will be created and will have a favorable impact on people's living standards, what qualitative impact will it have on other sectors of the economy and how will it be helpful in addressing Nepal's major development problems? 

Recently, the recommendation of the Rameshwar Khanal-led commission created by the Oli-Deuba government is a smelly formula that has been advocated by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund for many years. According to Rajan Mehta, a fruit trader from Janakpur who met in Doti, the standard of living cannot improve unless a fruit shop completely rejects the burden and expansion of unnecessary taxes such as local tax, revenue tax and company tax.