We entered the new year. We introduce the Kalachakra by dividing it according to our convenience and drawing a boundary line. After the beginning of this year, the annual tradition of exchanging greetings was carried out. This is the annual calendar itself. But this alone does not make the journey of the rainy season in a simple line.

On the one hand, if you want to be auspicious and on the other hand, you keep on doing the 'Himalayan mistake', the result will be bad. This year is known in Nepali society as a border year for many reasons i.e. before or after Vikramabad 082. There are many years of such counting in Nepali history.

is desired – impatience, aggression and hatred should not spread. Conclusions should be made based on logic and justification. Expectations, experiences and aspirations of the common people should be expressed in knowledge production. Don't be afraid to dream. May the dreams and pursuit of possibilities continue.

Democracy is achieved through hard struggle. But it has to be collected in a more difficult way. This democracy is not just a system of noise. It is a mechanism of trust of common citizens. This is not a mechanical system. This system starts with the common citizen and should be devoted to the common citizen. But what to do if such a situation does not appear? What to do if the elected representatives cheated or the leaders who called for struggle yesterday failed? It is easily said that advanced democracy is the alternative to democracy. But if democracy is sick, how to make it strong? There are plenty of suggestions. 

Former dictator Gyanendra Shah's head has not bowed in repentance before the Nepali people. His 'Mahavani' released in the new year is not at all compatible with public aspirations. He still has the tendency to throw dictatorial tropes. The rule of the dominant class remains intact. Democracy gave them the opportunity to live comfortably but did not motivate them to become good citizens according to the constitution. Although the poisonous tree of Shahtantra has been cut down in Nepal, its roots are still there. The daydream of the Mahapanchas to make discontent into a chaotic explosion was not so manifest.

What happened is that instead of being alert to the aftershocks in the political-economic life, the party leaders were seen as risk takers who took risks instead of exiting due to self-created mirages. The leaders of the political parties, who have the main responsibility of popularizing democracy, are trapped in the mire of division, confusion and sense of selflessness. Whether the current crisis is constitutional or political, they are not able to tell.

This constitution is not a note from the king's coat, but it is definitely a standard drawn by some leaders. If the political situation cannot be controlled, this constitution itself will collapse as soon as control is lost. Those who understand this openly want to dispute the very existence of the constitution. "This constitution is also an answer book for resolving political and legal disputes" is being overshadowed. 

The country can get a solution through this constitution. Multidimensional conflicts can be transformed and a path to the future can be found. But for this, the republican forces within the parliament must stand together to ensure the rights of the people and to establish the decisiveness of the people. Legislative powers must come together to make the constitution fully operational. We can fulfill our legal obligations only by dealing honestly with the concepts of the constitution and the failures, inconsistencies, and difficulties of its application. But the parties are bogged down in the 'Chaurasi Mission'. Politicians are concentrated without losing their hegemony. Is the root of the crisis in geopolitics? No time to think. 

The government party's street demonstrations have not stopped. But it is not able to vibrate at ground level. The government party should emphasize popular decision and implementation. Prime Minister Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli has been walking in the provincial assemblies, making speeches. He does not have to hold regular meetings with the Chief Ministers and he does not realize what he can and must do, but his self-infatuation with giving sermons is a serious problem at present. On the other hand, former President Bidya Devi Bhandari, while in office, forgot the role of a symbolic president and remained active in the exercise of unexpected power.

It is not that the constitutional question did not arise on him while he remained in office. At this time, the wave of party political activity has grown in him again. But surprisingly, the UML seems to be indifferent to this matter. How will the burning ambition of Vidya Devi be realized? 

Whose interest is he trying to fulfill with his party activism? This fact is not very old either. Because she said while being the president – ​​C ideology has become the philosophy of the new age. This expression was more like that of a communist leader than a head of state.

Power partner Nepali Congress, another major party, is standing at a crossroads in its internal life where its stance will decide the fate of this constitution. The indiscipline, anarchy, opportunistic tendency, self-centered concern and thinking in the party, and the tendency to aggravate rather than heal the wounds within the party are seen to be intensifying. Who after Sher Bahadur Deuba? Where are those who are in the competition to become heirs making compromises? All citizens are aware of this. 

Having fallen into the swamp of Labeda Surwal's hypnosis (he was in kurta-pajama-gumchha during Madhesh Yatra), Prachanda has brought outgoing Vice President Nanda Bahadur Pun as his ally with new cosmetics. In fact, Prachanda's Jagran Yatra has to be looked up in the dictionary to find out which bird's name it is. Dalpati is not a person but an indicator of a trend. Where no one readily allows the other to come forward. So this will be a year of friction.

There is hope that this year will be the year of the common man. The face of the ruling powers may change. The common people are still able to say that this is good and that is bad. They have shown an understanding of what is right and what is wrong. Despite so much investment, years of preparation, planned propaganda, the Jamaat of the royalists is fading. This simply means that the people are not willing to put their own hands on it.

From the point of view of political system, autocracy or democracy are two opposite poles. Both have different internal structures and operate in completely different ways. Continuity of autocracy is preserved only in the status quo. Whereas democracy necessarily remains effective in the process of continuous change. Where the process of continuous change continues, the future of continuity is not secure and where the insistence on the status quo persists, there is no room left for democracy.

The battle with the royalists is short. The royalists who carried the scepter of religion perished in the three-cornered fire. Religious pressure is of a different nature. The king or his vassals are physically present. But religious pressure is within each party. "Geruapanthi" has started to appear in the sentiments of the so-called big leaders. 

How will this pressure emerge on the road and how will it be resolved? What kind of sandalwood coating will it be on the forehead of present-day Nepal? Will it be fixed? There will be plenty of places to find where people can be financially assured. A