When the Maoist people's war merged with the people's movement, a new political map was drawn in Nepal. The People's War brought about an unprecedented awakening in the rural areas. Marginalized communities lined up for war. The rural movement merged with the Saharan movement. The Madhesh rebelled in protest. The general citizenry got stuck in the movement. At the same time, the tribal movement also arose. In this sense, the course of the revolution has been gradually completed after the peace agreement.

  The goals and objectives of the

movement were being overshadowed. The destination of the movement was disturbed. Every movement has a destination. The destination was slowly forgotten. When the first Constituent Assembly failed to make a constitution, politics became completely disturbed. The opinions given by the people through the streets were increasing. With the advent of the Constitution, the complete revolution was transformed into an incomplete one. The political parties could not address the mandate of the people. As a result, discontent is now growing. Now there is room if the parties remember the mandate of the 2062/063 movement and transform the state. Otherwise there is no option to face a new crisis. A few basic steps must be taken to avert a new crisis.

The Debate on Restructuring the Lost State

One of the themes of the 2062/063 movement was the restructuring of the state. State restructuring meant a new composition of all the components of the state. Army, police, personnel, education, health, agriculture organizations are restructured. It was nothing. A three tier government was formed. It was treated as a restructuring or the parties did not express their will. Nepal's bureaucracy is based on the continuation of the panchayat system. There are many complications such as comments and specific orders of this bureaucracy, which cannot please the citizens. What the parties do not understand is that good governance is not possible with this bureaucracy.

seemed to reach the leaders after getting the chair. Leaders do not have the will, that is a different thing. Even if a strong-willed federal minister, chief minister, local government chairman comes, he cannot work with this bureaucracy. Because the bureaucracy has not assimilated the changed context of the state system. It is a status quo power by nature. Moreover it is plagued by panchayati thinking. If the growing disaffection is to be curbed, the parties must first begin the work of restructuring the state. 

State restructuring in the context of federalism also means restructuring of the structure. Yesterday, institutional management was done to suit the centrality. Now in the rhythm of federalism there was also the abolition of old institutions and the creation of new institutions. But it was not taken care of. They started to kill the existing institutions as well. If institutional management and legislation are not established, the state alone cannot do anything.

started killing the existing institutions as well. Tribhuvan University has not become a place to produce knowledge, it has been made a place for servants to work. The Electricity Authority was on the verge of institutional development. But Prime Minister Oli did not like it. Oli is longing to become taller by killing institutions. The prime minister can be tall with institutional management and institutional efficiency. But Oli wants to become tall alone by killing such institutions, which is not possible. It is necessary to promote good governance in the rhythm of federalism and bring government to citizens. 

The social aspect of federalism

The state system is always in dispute if it cannot be fit with the social structure. Can't grow and flourish, can't blossom. Nepali society is actually a triad society of Khas Arya, Madheshi and tribes. The Dalit community is close to the Khas Aryas but has been kept under extreme untouchability and inhumane treatment and minimal participation in the state. Social acceptability of the constitution will increase only if these three communities accept the constitution.

A constitution is not just a parliamentary math game, its community ownership enhances legitimacy. Now in fact the new constitution envisages federalism. We are in the best state system in Nepal so far. But there is already a lot of discontent. A cable car movement is underway in the east. In other words, the tribes are not happy all over Nepal. Madhesh is angry. Arya looks quite happy from this angle. The validity of this constitution is in great question due to the discontent of the two major communities. Now, if the level of dissatisfaction of citizens is to be reduced, it is necessary to make federalism tribe-friendly and Madhesh-friendly. 

Now our system does not allow the Madhesi community to be Nepali. For a long time, the demand of the Madhesi community is to become Nepalese. But our mentality considers Madhesi rather than accepting Nepali. But he cannot say that he is a Nepali. For a long time, our educational and cultural thinking has become Nepalese. If the constitution should be amended to address this recognition of the Madhesi community, then it has been done. This constitution cannot be alive without addressing the discontent of the tribes and the discontent of the Madhesh.

The tribe is considered as Nepalese, but given many nicknames, it is second class. There is no big demand from the tribal community, we just want to be treated as equals. Participation in the state directly increases after being considered equal. But that is not the focus of the parties. Now no one will be exempted by abusing anyone. In the true sense, it is a matter of strengthening the republic and adjusting the rhythm of federalism. Addressing identity, balancing development imbalances, and charting a path to equitable development is delayed, the more discontent is likely to grow. We cannot move forward unless we accept the self-respect of the Madhesi, Dalit and tribal communities. Embracing diversity is currently the best way to reduce resentment. 

The ground level that politics has not changed

Today, the list of problems like metered loans and microfinance is long. Even though it is said to be the best state system, why do people from Hool Hool have to come to Maitighar with such problems? Good governance means addressing such problems. But there is such a big problem in Nepal, on the one hand the state system is the best. On the other hand, such problems are acute. At the root of these problems is the tendency of government rather than the state system. Poor governance trends have raised questions about the state system itself.

A meterbank victim cannot say this system is good. What comes with this is the distribution of resources. Resources and resources in Nepal are in the possession of a limited number of people. Capitalism is said to have arrived and land reform is sidelined. The main thing is that the tillers have no land. Production has declined. The productive force has become unemployed. The state is run by the collusion of some middlemen and employees. There is no production oriented economic system. Employment is in crisis. The current economic system cannot create jobs. The job of the ministers is to approve the files coming from the middlemen and employees. The

is actually in the hands of remote middlemen and employees of the political leadership. It cannot solve the problem in any way. When resources are in the possession of a very limited number of people, it is a frustration that spreads to many people. Can our parties adopt the principles of equitable distribution of resources? Can they change the economic policy of the liberal framework and go to a production-oriented, employment-oriented economic system? If they can't, dissatisfaction will grow. New risks and crises are not far away. 

Regressive Sahariya Rebellion

There have been rumors of an unannounced Sahariya Rebellion for some years. Why are people unhappy in the city? If it is not analyzed seriously, we will not reach the right place. The first thing is that people have migrated from villages to cities due to the current development process. Yesterday was related to production in the village. People lived happily ever after. But people began to descend in eight-ten urban centers. Out of production. There were no jobs in the city. The city became a place for an army of unemployed.

Whoever started to assume that the Sahariya rebellion would happen. The primary task is to create an environment where people can live happily in the village through a new development model by making the village a center of production and employment. Otherwise, the city will suffer. Meanwhile, the former king, who had no chance of ever returning, began to see the possibility of a Sahariya rebellion. The result of that is the Triangular incident of Chait 15. It is ridiculous for a discarded king to have such a dream. Prachanda played the biggest role in overthrowing the king. Now even if Prachanda tries to bring him, the king will not come. The tendency of parties to rule without transforming themselves into a king comes is dangerous. 

During the king's time, there were so many kilometers of roads, now this is all. There were so many health posts in the king's tent, that's all there is now. There were no mobile phones in the time of kings, now they have mobile phones. These arguments have no merit. The answers to the questions are not given in the data. It is not a strong thing to force things that happen by time order and context into forceful logic. What we have forgotten is that after the coronation of King Birendra, even on the day Gyanendra Nagarjuna left, such figures were positive. Gyanendra would still be on the throne if the statistics were to live by. Citizens don't know much about the statistics game.

Citizens want cheap vegetables in vegetable shops in the Federal Democratic Republic. Rice, oil is cheap. They want their children to get a good school at a low cost. They want cheap health care. They want cheap and reliable public transport. The indicator of the future democracy should be food stores, not the weight of data. Should be an easy health treatment. There should be quality education at low cost. We have brought this system with the belief that all these changes can be achieved through a federal democratic republic. People who are facing great hardships in life are not only insulted but angry by the figures extracted by statisticians on slips of paper. Education, health, and employment crisis seen in Tinkune on Chait 15 are the problems brought about.