As in life in general, February and March are the seasons of hope and excitement in politics. About Baisakh, the poet Madhav Ghimire hums in awe- 'Sweet lust is coming to Madhuvan today / Youta Thuga is smiling somewhere towards the forest / The forest is singing, 'Who is who?' This spring is badly divided.

Instead of forcing the ruling oligarchy to improve due to the explosion of civil discontent, the desire of the Gyanendra tantra to return their master, the dysfunctional government led by Prime Minister Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli has managed to get an unexpected lifeline. 

In order to oppose the Gyanendra Tantra, the supporters of the republic have been forced to stand in support of the incumbents. After the 'clean feed' policy implemented by the government under the pressure of the businessmen, it is not known whether the Nepali advertising market reached the projected 20 billion or not. Viewers are deprived of watching more entertaining Indian propaganda than

programs. A few years ago, a Hindi advertisement promoting a certain Patru food item used to be played on Indian channels — 'Tedha hai par mera hai'. Even if it looks dysfunctional, the republican system belongs to all common people. Government systems such as monarchy, aristocracy or militarism cannot be a substitute for democracy, where periodic elections determine the people and allow them to be their own 'kings'. Therefore, no matter how much criticism is made, it has become difficult to criticize the unnecessary rallies that are taken out in favor of the republic.

Adoption teaches us to distinguish between faults and weaknesses. There is a famous saying about the compulsions and choices of reality - 'Lord, give me the patience to accept the things I cannot change, the courage to do the things I can change, and the wisdom to distinguish between the two. It is not easy to overcome the inherent defects of '

' democracy. Majoritarianism allows billionaires like US President Donald Trump to seize power. By stirring up latent hysteria of negative tendencies such as polytheism, antisemitism and other hatreds among a significant number of voters, as in India, 

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the promoter of capitalism, can become an invincible chief executive. There should be constant vigilance to minimize defects. In a country where the source of state power is the people, it is not possible for elected 'kings' to remain unbridled forever. The role of public pressure is important to remove weaknesses and keep the constitutional order and strong institutions functioning.

In a democracy, such tendencies can be controlled because the jobs, chukli and flattery are not regular processes like in the monarchy. The last Rana ruler Mohanshamsher Kurlejsari does not have to be written on the forehead to be the executive head.

Even a person born in a prison can ascend to the democratic throne for a fixed term. However, enlightened citizens have to repeatedly point out the limitations of their rights to such a democratic ruler. Nepali state of mind cheated by destiny - Even after a quarter of the twenty-first century, the political commentators of the capital have to be entangled in the futile debate between the monarchy that has become a thing of the past and the democracy that is losing its way. 

Perhaps because of the discussion of the public circle, Prime Minister Sharma Oli wants to make the remaining factionalism in political and government appointments even more backward. Instead of inclusiveness or competence, he wants to establish a spoil system to increase political capital by handing out public positions to his supporters.

Since the service system is maintained within the UML, at least conflicting opinions are not flowing from that party. The incoherent speech of Nepali Congress politicians indicates the unrest that is slowly spreading in the party that once dominated Nepali politics. Diversity of opinion should be replaced by internal party debates.

Neka's politicians frequently blurt out their biases, favoritism and preferences from the public platform. Chairman Sher Bahadur Deuba says that he is sticking to the concept of 'eternal-relative secularism' invented by the 2015 constitution. Former Chief Minister Shashank Koirala has no hesitation in accepting the support of Hindu nation. Republic  Even those who enjoy the daydream of waking up some kind of monarchy by reversing the

are still cringing. As in all the political parties of Khas-Arya supremacy, even within the ranks of the NECA, the voice of the anti-federalists has not yet weakened.

is not possible considering the current government and economic situation. By exploiting the financial institutions run in the name of cooperatives, some of the owners and their associates have become rich overnight. Lifetime savings of millions of ordinary savers have been wasted. Commercial banks in the profit sector, which have absorbed remittances and made deposits, are maintaining their presence by providing loans that promote consumption rather than production.

international Airports built at the expense of hundreds of crores of public debt have been limited to landscaping. It is certain that the Covid pandemic has had a negative impact on the overall economy. However, it is hard to believe that an import-driven economy will be sustainable when domestic production is negligible.

Due to the policy of banks eager to give loans, easy cash flow and good deposits, the risk of some investments in real estate being turned towards crime through speculation has increased. In the recent cases of the appointment of the Health Secretary and the dismissal of the Executive Director of the Electricity Authority, the arbitrariness of the selectors has been exposed rather than the competence of the selected person. If the majority in the parliament is free to do anything, the commentary weakens the faith in the republic. 

After the 16-point conspiracy of 2015, the concept of parliamentary opposition from Khas-Arya dominated political parties has ended. Dissent has disappeared from democratic practice due to the governing consensus that prevails among the majority. The process of self-criticism and self-correction is inactive. At a glance, the spring season of 2025 should be the season of people's movement for more intensive and sophisticated democracy.

Unfortunately, due to the indomitable ambition of Gyanendra Shah, who became the king twice by the accidental aberration of history, the devotion of the loyalists of the displaced ruler, the audacity of some people suffering from depressed mentality and the negligence of the mechanisms of law and order, the potential reformist people's movement sponsored by the reactionaries has become ineffective. A spring that could have been an opportunity for public awakening is being wasted.

democracy without opposition

The fate of Padmasamsher, who proclaimed that 'I am the servant of the people', shows that the possibility of gradual improvement in the hereditary governance system is negligible. Perhaps, that is why Neka had to declare Matrikaprasad Koirala as the commander of the Mukti Sena in 1950 and go to war with the Ranashahis after coming to the conclusion that 'change in the country is possible only through an armed revolution'.

After that, the prediction of Jan-Vasant of 1951 became exciting. King Tribhuvan came to Kathmandu from the temporary shelter of New Delhi with the promise of ensuring a democratic system of government due to the heat and the heat of the democratic movement in the country. However, the king is not a person but a whole system.

The dynasty that moved from Singha Darbar to Narayanahiti did not allow King Tribhuvan to remain committed to his commitment. His name goes down in history as a ruler who failed to fulfill his promise. Opposition-free politics probably made it easy to please King Tribhuvan.

King Mahendra's ruling ideals were the tyrants of his in-laws. He wanted to be not only the head of the state but also the hero of politics, the source of legislation, the head of the executive and the supreme judge.

The long hemant (1960-1990) of the autocratic regime that started with the royal-military coup d'état in December of 1960, as the poet Bhupi Sherchan said at the same time, 'Akash's eyes are sore / When you make eye contact with him, your own eyes hurt, / The fever-stricken sun is moving in the sky / Like a cold eyebrow. It used to come dressed and made the common people cry every moment. The energetic spring of 1979 was snuffed out by a conspiracy of courtiers with a plebiscite of predetermined results. From 1951,

became the character of the Shah Rajas who appointed and dismissed the prime minister like a personal aide. Political parties were declared 'non-national entities' as autocratic governance was without opposition. The idea that the time has come can be shelved for a while. But it can never be stopped forever.

1990's Jan-Vasant poet Madhav Ghimire's lines, 'Time heals all wounds by turning the bark / Bees turn orange in Madhupavan' came and it seemed that now the change of season cannot stop the forward journey of time. The reigning cycle is better understood by ancient philosophers than by modern thinkers. No system or condition is ever permanent. The Gyanendratantra, which started from 2002 and reached its peak in 2005, tried to turn the wheel of time upside down, but finally the royal chariot fell over.

Although the spring uprising of 2006 led to the suspension of the monarchy and its displacement, the declaration of the republic was possible only in the festive year of 2008. The coup started in 2013 through the court process and reached its climax in 2015 because the reformist politicians failed to realize that more political wisdom is needed to prevent the counter-revolution after the revolution.

The credit for restoring the concept of unopposed democracy in politics undoubtedly goes to the masterminds of the 2015 16-point conspiracy. It was only natural that ethnic majoritarianism would gradually turn into factionalism after spreading the frenzy of nationalism and transforming the Madhesi into a permanent minority and internal opposition.

The biggest problem with nationalist politics is that it is completely anachronistic. To those who are proud of their national identity, the backwardness of the past, the ignorance of the present, and the inherent weakness also begin to seem like ancestral and traditional heritage. The 'Tedha hai par mera hai' of the ad should become an expression of collective ethnic self-infatuation.

Anarchic anger

When the political processes of expressing dissatisfaction and addressing grievances are blocked in the name of nationalism, democracy, prosperity or consensus, the status quo becomes a psychological state called comfort zone for the ruling group.

If the status quo is only continued to protect the achievements of the people's movement, the generation in search of newness may become bored and start looking for bold alternatives. Inertia is embedded in the very word

defense. Democracy can only remain stable as long as people's aspirations and efforts run on two wheels. Interpreting the ever-changing situation with balanced stability as root stability, the first perversion of the democratic process was done in the rush to promulgate the controversial 2015 constitution. It is likely that the effects of this sudden attack will affect Nepali politics for a long time. When no one wants to take full ownership of the constitution, anyone can challenge the existing system.

There are other unintended consequences of ethnic solidarity in 2015. Raja Birendra's 'Politics for Development' has once again turned into 'Politics for Prosperity' and the issue of social justice has been overshadowed. The desire for federalism has been limited to decentralization. Among dozens of communities in Nepal, only the Khas-Arya group has got constitutional status and interpretation.

All the rest of the community is bound by laws, rules, regulations, acts, orders and directives made by the Khas-Arya dominated power. The brutal suppression of the Madhesh uprising in 2015 established a unique tradition that even in a democratic system, the ruler is allowed to say anything, the government apparatus is allowed to do anything, the governed group has to tolerate anything and the opinion makers of the hegemonic community rejoice in the tears of the subordinates and welcome the excesses of ethnic media power with slaps.

After 2015, innocent citizens have created a humiliating situation, even when they send petitions to the nationalist kings elected through majoritarianism to improve the character of those in power, they only get an answer like 'it doesn't work'.  The

should have been- People's uprising to improve the situation through constitution review within the system, and the Raitis of Gyanendratantra had wasted the opportunity to restore their master. The depression would have been very painful. Communication technology and political management methods are still not able to establish harmony.

The gathering of thousands in open squares and farakila grounds could be disciplined by a limited number of volunteers. Dissent from newspapers and magazines was usually moderated by media gatekeepers. No matter how widespread the protest was called by radio and television, the police and the administration would get enough information for the necessary preparations.

The constant use of (un)social media that shows immediate impact has created a situation where every gathering can turn into a chaotic mob. Guerrilla style of protest was also shown by Gyanendravidis on March 28, 2025.

The credibility of the state power that has institutionalized factionalism has fallen to such an extent among the common people that Prime Minister Sharma Oli, who has become the Brahma, Vishnu and Mahesh of the existing system, former and waiting Prime Minister Deuba and former Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal who has mastered Chinkhe Dau, even if they call from the same platform, even their own activists will hesitate to come down the streets to defend their interests.