William Shakespeare, the greatest writer in the English language, through his play Julius Caesar, made the phrase 'Beware the Ides of March' a timeless expression of prophetic warning of darkness, gloom, misfortune and doom.

After the conspiratorial attack on Julius Caesar, who had become ruler for life due to the conquest campaign, he was shocked to see one of his friends among the traitors—you too, Brutus (at two, brute)? There is no such powerful work written about the Bhandarkhal Parva of 1806, the Kota Parva of 1846 or the Narayanhiti massacre of 2001. However, there is no shortage of people with unique talents in Nepal.

UML's official scholar Jagman Gurung pointed out that once - 'KP Oli is not like other prime ministers, he has memorized all the scriptures, Tantra, Ramayana, Mahabharata, Gita.' No engineer, medical doctor can argue with him.'

Until then, Prime Minister Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli had not yet drawn the indelible lines that give the impression of creative creation, even if they are free poems like 'Even if I die, I will still be able to see dreams' or 'Khoji bai binghu Bhaimarako, Rashtriya Pketmarako'. Not at all.' 

Jagman, a former official scholar of UML and an ideal culturist for the orthodox, has now become the chief advisor of the 'Gyanendravadi' political venture. However, the name of the so-called 'Joint People's Movement Committee for the Restoration of the Raj Sanstha', formed under the leadership of veteran Mahapanch Navraj Subedi, is contradictory.

No matter how good or bad the monarchy is a part of Nepali history, you should read it and learn from it the lesson given by Pandit Baburam Acharya through the book - 'Let this never happen again'. The suicidal desire to restore may even tarnish the records of the Gorkhali conquest by dragging one of the cruel, eccentric and conspiratorial ancestors of the Shah dynasty into controversy. To use the term politically united, there must be political, objective or functional unity among groups with cultural, economic, religious or religious diversity.

There is Mahendrast homogeneity within the Gnanendrast political enterprise, there is no diversity at all. In the same way, resistance to any authoritarian system, including monarchy, is included in the word people's movement. If you want a king, you should be able to show the courage to use original terminology like 'Raitiandolan' or at most 'prajaandolan'. However, as some Hindutvaists say, in order to promote the pluralist ethnicity, there is no need to have a referendum to declare the state as a Hindu state, which has written the protection of traditional customs in the constitution.

Following the practice of Islamic countries, in order to deprive a person who believes in a religion other than Hinduism or an atheist from an important political position like a naturalized citizen, a counter-revolution may have to be staged to respect democratic values ​​and beliefs by conducting a 'religious vote'. At present, it does not seem credible that there will be a counter-revolution in Nepal with the material and financial blessings of Kanfatta Mahant of Gorakhpur.  It sounds like a

, the democrats who support Khasary supremacy are more frustrated by their own shortcomings than the squeamishness of the intellectuals. Cultural hegemony is associated not only with traditional practices but also with religious institutions. Like the Dharmadhikari, Rajguru and Rajpurohit, the 'cow-Brahmin Pratipalak Simhanadhishwar' is an integral part of the Varnashram system. A king who is considered an avatar of Lord Vishnu is naturally associated, so he cannot be bound by the political ropes of the constitution.

That's something politicians brought up in the British parliamentary tradition, despite various bittersweet experiences since 1951, still don't seem to have grasped. In Islam and military-dominated Pakistan, the Supreme Court has repeatedly shown the 'principle of necessity' and has given ex post facto legitimacy to every military coup. In order to kill the king, it is enough to show the historical contribution of the ancestors, there is no need to search for the legitimacy of the ground level. Therefore, to determine the king's intention, it is more appropriate to determine cultural movements and geopolitical signals than politics.

basic structure

If the revolutionary power Congress had been able to read the 'warning of the spirit' that started to arise immediately from the relatives and supporters of the restored Shah Raja in 1951, perhaps the 'Bijuli Garat' platoon would not have moved to Narayanhiti from Singh Darbar. Almost four decades after that terrible mistake, around March 1991, the Congress deliberately fell into another conspiracy - the Hool newcomers destroyed the ideological base of the democratic party from within. Among the meanings given by the Prajna Pratishthan to the word Chaite, the meaning of "the tendency to enter later and try to make money, opportunistic" has come into vogue since then. 

The indomitable enthusiasm of the Gorkhali dynasty's subjects today can be compared to the euphoric surge experienced after a fresh dose of intoxicants in the ground-scattered Amalchis. The problem lies in the ideological confusion of the supporters of Khasary supremacy.

Most of them are going to get used to operating the hegemonic oligarchy of Rajabegar. Therefore, their commitment to build the infrastructure of democracy by destroying the cultural, social, economic and diplomatic structures of the caste-based authoritarianism seems to be very weak. It is natural, because of the emptiness and bitterness caused by the ideological deviation, the tigers of the mind are missing the heart of the current Nepali politics.

The default legitimacy that liberal democracy has been enjoying since World War II is now becoming a crisis all over the world. The United States, which is considered to be the main promoter of global democracy, has started to be seen as a bigger threat than Russia and China. The world is witnessing that elected dictatorship is being practiced even in India, the largest democratic country in the world. Scholars of contemporary politics are forced to reexamine the inherent inadequacies of the democratic process.

Concepts such as constitutional supremacy, separation of powers, control and balance, judicial independence, military structure under civilian control, careful and autonomous media, professional civil service and conscious civil society are the basic components of a democratic system, but that alone does not create sufficient conditions for a people-responsive governance system.

The oft-quoted saying 'Constant vigilance is the price of freedom' comes with two other warnings - those who run oligarchy by dreaming of material prosperity and stealing political power from the direction of the majority continue to strive. If pluralism is defeated and oligarchy becomes institutionalized, the attraction of authoritarianism will increase in society, even if only for a short period of time. The form of monarchy can be either hereditary, military or elected.

Although the hereditary form of authoritarianism may seem like an anachronism, the attraction of such a political system in traditional societies does not diminish. An example can be seen in the countries of West Asia, however, that hereditary rule can last for a long time if the elite consensus gets military or external support. The Ranas under British rule for 104 years and the Shahs who got the privilege of America for 30 years have run uninterrupted family monopoly.

Hereditary dictators rule by tradition, while military dictators try to justify themselves by pretending to protect sovereignty. The legitimacy of elected dictators rests on the collective dream of prosperity. Patriotism slogans like preserving national identity, preventing anarchy or controlling corruption are all convenient political weapons of authoritarian rulers. In order to institutionalize democracy, it is not enough to trust the power established through periodic voting, the basic beliefs and structures of authoritarianism must be destroyed.

If democracy is 'the lawful rule of the majority, the respected voice of the minority', then complete religious freedom including change of faith of citizens should be accepted as a natural and basic human right in that system. Since it is not so easy to throw off the shackles of tradition and embrace the wheel of modernity, in the democratic system, secularism is considered a political ideal and the recognition of 'Equality of all religions' is accepted as a strategy.

Instead of integrating cultural and social diversity by burning it in the fire of assimilation, it is a difficult but necessary task to build unity through diversity and multiplicity. Practicing democracy by political elites in a social system where caste hierarchies and caste hierarchies based on a single religion, same language, same dress, uniform food and a colorful lifestyle is like dispelling the illusion of fishing by showing shiny fish reared in a transparent bowl.

Since the 1980s, the policies adopted by British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and American President Ronald Reagan were not just conservative economic programs. Over time, with the spread of such economic and political concepts, the belief of 'Bahujan Hitayah, Bahujan Sukhaya:' changed into the dogma of 'Alpajan Hitayah, Alpajan Sukhaya:'. The claim that liberalization, globalization and privatization policies have brought about economic growth is not untrue, but the complementary reality to that statement is that the gap between the rich and the poor is widening and deepening all over the world.

Poverty can produce any feeling of dependence on God, helplessness or determination to rise, depending on the individual's circumstances. Frustration and resentment are the dominant impulses engendered by the wide disparity between elites and commoners. Democratic faith is born out of optimism, negative impulses dull the conscience to distinguish between right and wrong, and the support structure of all forms of authoritarianism rests on popular discontent. 

Nepali version of Marxism, Leninism and Maoism are deterministic ideologies just like the traditional fatalism, so the leftists of Nepal do not find it difficult to slaughter a black goat in Baluwatar, offer golden Jalhari in Pashupati or worship in Mahakaal of Ujjain wearing Ram name. The politics of money and religion start to ignore the sentiments of the people, as a result of which the common people are forced to jump behind the politicians who are in awe of the hope of a miracle.

Democrats are also notoriously poor at garnering geopolitical support. The Rana-era conspiracy to ice Nepali nationalism in the form of 'anti-India' sentiment is still being continued. The geopolitical reality is that anti-India policy can never be in the economic and social interest of Nepal.

New Delhi has nothing to gain by spoiling Nepal. Just like America, the neighbor in the sky, China across the Himalayas is definitely the second largest power in the world. But culturally and socially, Beijing is far away from Washington.

Nepali politicians have not been able to assimilate the self-evident reality of geo-economics even though Beijing's economic and political rulers have repeatedly given advice to improve relations with New Delhi. Some of the pioneers of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh associated with the 'Akhand Bharat' concept did not just dream of 'Make India Akhand Again' by merging the current India into Nepal.

Hindi poet Kedarnath Agarwal (year 1911-2000) is also included among the poets who wrote poems like the spring when the Prime Minister Sharma Oli was bursting with poetic lines due to the effect of the wind. The Marxist poet of Prayaraj sings with confidence - "Nah ghar-bar mera,/Nah akhyam mera,/Nah Ichha kisi ki,/Na hope kisi ki,/Na Premi ni Dushman,/ Jidhar mahte hoon/ Udhar ghoomati hoon". /Hawa Hoon, Hawa Main/ Vasanthi Hawa Hoon.' 

For some Nepalese abroad, the memory of Kathmandu's spring breeze will not only make the body but also the heart feel tingly. Gone were the days during the reign of the Shah Rajas—where passports were issued and only those with access had dignity. The Gorkhali soldier raised the value by shed blood, in the pairship, was different, and the fertilizer was different and to live in general Away.

runs a Madhesi President, a child's son has bosses, some Marbur's Sympathers, and the descendants of Gorkhaspah, and the children of the Gorkhashadhard's children have taken place. But nothing has made for her, she has set up trade, such as Mark Zuckergarg and Alan Musk. & NBSP; Story-BREAP technique is a semary spread by the strong manners. Semicircle is dangerous than mithityas. The process of developing iron is also eradicated in history, even if the appearance of the development technology of the development of the technology of the development of the legislature is always the use of what its use is always always. It is not realistic for everyone to write and paste (by) forms of the financial networks of social networks. The worker in Arabhone for a mass concentration of a group in Arabm for the day to pay the loan and the group does not fall back in housing like hereditary ruler. Inattendom, a man like that of Sharma, said that the frozen of the country within and and out of the country, has said to be disappointed by Ballenism.

is called 'wind bacharic' in a language of end. The inflated treatment of the domestic politiciary is included in the dominary party. After the success of the yearhrabheti conspures, the Hindusani Row was repeated by Likti, where the water was done in the Congress; ' Yes, it seems to be generated to. Statilion is not much less than expected, even though the Federal Republic is destroyed, rejected and intimidated and intimidated. Urduth Faj Ahid is refracted by translating some of the rows of Ahmed Faiz Nistote 'This bullmates is sure that this is dark in the morning,' we are not the morning we are waiting. '