An effort is being made to return the ghost of the monarchy, which has been buried in the grave of history, in place of the republic, standing on top of all the garbage imposed by capitalism. This farce is set against the backdrop of the disorientation of left-wing democratic politics. However, this debate of 'Republic vs. Monarchy' is a dangerous diversion, in order to weaken the discussion about the systemic problems of capitalism, not to focus on the agenda of transformation, not to turn the debate towards it.

Because the problem is capitalism, not republicanism. For the capitalist class, this diversion is beneficial in order to stop preparations for the socialist transition. Therefore, they will continue to take down various capitalist fraudsters at this rate. Everyone knows that the ghost of monarchy does not wake up in this power.

Some call it a threat to the republic. But in fact it is not a threat to the republic but to socialism. It is a threat to the working class's desire for justice. It is a threat to good governance and employment. 

The crisis of capitalism, the basis of capital punishment

Capitalism itself is in crisis due to the crisis imposed on the people by the capitalist state. To avoid this crisis, sometimes it bows down to the people and wears the guise of a welfare state, and sometimes it takes the form of an executioner. In the 20th century, the destruction that capitalism inflicted on humanity by resorting to capital punishment to solve its crisis is still fresh.

Even today there are many examples of capitalism resorting to capital punishment to avoid its crisis. If we follow the path of capitalism, there is also the danger that the leadership of this ruling Communist-Congress will become executioners themselves, with rumors of the coming of a king. The shrinking democracy within the parties is a strong indication of this. Because in order to protect capitalism, there was no other way but to kill democracy, not even yesterday, not even today. 

Let's ignore the imaginary argument that some people are corrupted by 'bad' capitalism, while 'good' capitalism is just fine. Because, capitalism was not, was not, is not good. This system was badly imposed on human development and the human race fell into its trap. 

After the republic, capitalism became more and more popular 

Capitalism came to us more and more after the declaration of republic. The capitalist state, where the rule of capital is strong, tried to capitalize all the parts and components of the state, the entire society, to maintain the dominance of capital. Not only the parliamentary system, but the entire structure of the state was being prepared according to the purpose of reproducing the rule of the bourgeoisie. Political parties, civil society, universities and intellectuals etc. all strive for the production and reproduction of consciousness and people, necessary to maintain capitalism.

When the state becomes capitalist, the whole society becomes the same. The same thing happened to us. However, the aspiration of the constitution after the revolution was to make this state and Nepali society socialist. Left democratic parties could not function according to this aspiration. In the democratic movement, they managed to throw away the monarchy and get a republic. However, instead of transforming their state, Nepal's left-wing democratic parties were instead transformed by capitalism. They did not change society, but capitalism changed them. 

Capitalism imposes misrule, corruption, unemployment, inflation, violence, discrimination, high interest. Illness imposed, uncertainty imposed on everyone's life. Fight alone against all these social evils, don't support anyone in life because no one will support you. It gave social legitimacy to many lies, conspiracies, and tikkadams by saying, "Whoever knows, hits." It created politics and politicians who blatantly lied like advertisements for creams claiming 'whiteness in a fortnight'. They became less leaders of transformation, more ad models or comedians.

ing stunts and lies became central to political social life. Under the cover of the slogan of 'competition superiority', lies, conspiracy, abuse, even the left movement became involved in the competition of all the tricksters who would come to power in any way. Which made it easy to destroy the pillars of transformation like cooperation, unity, friendship, classism. The communist parties were unable to determine the direction of how to overcome the discontent that arose in its foundation. 

After the revolution, communist parties had two options. One, to understand capitalism and prepare adequately on the way to change it. Two, fall into the capitalist trap. The first option was looking for hard work, trying. It was an 'anticurrent' to capitalism. In this sense there was a risk for many. The second option was easier. It happened when flowing with the flow of capitalism.  The leader of the

movement chose the second path. If it became easy, joining a party did not need to be understood other than voting for a certain election symbol. Similarly, being a leader means one day becoming a ward president, mayor or parliamentarian, minister or prime minister and earning money. The political party became a 'machine' for producing and reproducing such consciousness. 

It was not unusual for the entire party to become a foghorn after not developing sufficient preparation and strength to deal with the tricks and traps of capitalism. Gradually, the agendas of the Communist Party also started to 'shift'. They became allies rather than critics of capitalism. For example, the country's Ministry of Labor and Employment reaches out to enter into labor and employment agreements with other countries, but it does not prioritize how to develop and promote labor and employment sectors in its own country, because it has become a much easier task to transfer manpower from the country to the center of capitalism in accordance with the preparations of world capitalism, than to find an alternative for labor and employment in the country.

So, the party and the minister in charge of the fatt ministry did what was easier and faster. In doing so, new lucrative business sectors such as manpower and consultancy were given the opportunity to expand. This emerged as a new opportunity for fundraising. The situation became such that manpower committees were formed in the parties, but the party was not within the reach of those who were cheated by it. Because the capitalist state is a state that protects the cheaters, not the cheated.

Such examples are found in every ministry, where there is an opportunity to choose between the agenda of social and economic transformation and the easy 'drive' of capitalism, but in the end, no one weighs the pain and risk of the alternative.  The mass organizations of the

party were not the vanguard of the movement but gradually became like the event managers of the capitalist market. Their role and ability to understand the problems of the society, speed up the class struggle and organize them was shrinking. Organizations became proficient in organizing festivals, gathering crowds of people, collecting donations in that name. Ultimately, the goals of mass organization events could not rise above branding to improve the image of their factional leaders by using methods such as festivals or 'sports-washing' organized by alleged corporations who do not pay taxes and loot the state to hide their exploits.  The aim of the

party and movement was not to become a strong class-based power, but to become a strong 'national power' anyway. That being the case, he had to do whatever he could. What makes a strong national power in capitalism? It is natural to become a representative of the bourgeoisie, in their occupation.

In the name of development and prosperity, the open hills, forests, public places where people gather have not come to the hands of capitalists. The comments that 'cable car' and 'view tower' are standards of civilization are not made for this reason. The political parties and their languages ​​that sustain the capitalist state had to be like this. The same thing happened to us.

Therefore, the Communist Party itself was wrapped in the net of capitalist power in such a way that it could not find a way out of it and still has not found it. As a result, the movement became disoriented. The disharmony, split and bitterness of the communist parties today is the result of this disorientation. 

What these facts show is that, no matter how big the political power under the wrap of capitalism is in the capitalist state, its radical transformational goals and the ability to mobilize accordingly are lacking. Regardless of whether it is a left, socialist or communist party, once it sinks into the capitalist vas, its interest, imagination and ability to advance the deep transformation of society will end.

Decades of Leftism 

With the exception of a few countries in Latin America, this decade has seen the spread of the left in parliamentary democracies. Liberalism has also been pushed aside. From Trump to Modi, from Greece to Bangladesh, not only the left, but also liberalism has spread. 

In Britain, the left-wing Labor Party led by Jeremy Corwin lost, but the right-wing Labor Party led by the cowardly Stammer won the election. In America, socialist Bernie Sanders lost, right-wing Biden won. On the basis of which the more right-wing executioner Trump has come today.

In some places, those who won in the name of left wing gradually surrendered and became right wing. In some places, capitalism has torn them apart. Neighboring Delhi's Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), which was making some transformative reforms. However, the leftists within it were first expelled or left the party, and later it became a losing position. Finally lost. 

For us too, the last decade has become the decade of the left's downward journey. Conventions conducted with the purpose of occupation, activities against the decisions of the convention, guerrilla-style unity carried out with the goal of transformation for power, the dissolution of the parliament, the disintegration of the communist movement, the elections fought by sharing the same election symbol with the notorious right-wing parties, etc., all these events gradually succeeded in discrediting the left wing and discrediting the dream of socialism as a hollow ideal. 

Such politics done in the name of the left in the last decade did not lead the Nepali society towards a gradual transition to socialism. Instead, it was strengthening capitalism itself. It served to create disaffection among the working class towards leftist politics itself, to lower their expectations, to marginalize the transformative ideas of the state. This trend naturally weakened the socialist movement. A weakened, exhausted Left tried to offer very few and dim alternatives. Which wasn't enough, didn't happen.

What to do now?

There is a need for deep rethinking and review of the wrong strategies and ideas that fueled the reactionary forces, creating the conditions for the downfall of the left and the rise of capitalistic forces. But it should be careful that the mentioned references are not limited to the opportunity to turn into abuse or hatred, taking it as a betrayal of the common people and the working class. Today's socialists should understand this as a lesson of how far it can be in the capitalist system, and try to make the left wing in the communist movement. 

During the process of leftization, a meaningful basis of communist unity is created. Through the process of left-wing, a party is formed, which has the ability to find and use other political tools and measures other than participating in the parliament to speed up the process of class building and state transformation. Such a plan is formed, which integrates and mobilizes the various struggles scattered in society to understand and change capitalism, the root cause of inequality, injustice and discrimination. Such a party and plan is the basic condition of socialist transformation. To fulfill this condition, both parliamentary and non-parliamentary preparations are needed.