Raja Birendra announced a plebiscite between the non-partisan Panchayat system and the multi-party parliamentary system under his leadership on June 10 after the loud noise and heat of the historic student movement of 2036.

 At that time, BP Koirala had given up self-exile and returned to the country with the policy of national unity and reconciliation. He had accepted the plebiscite unconditionally, while Congress supremo Ganeshman Singh and acting president Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, Communist leader Manmohan Adhikari and his group and all other opposition leaders had set some conditions for a fair plebiscite. BP was almost alone in that scenario. 

At that time, BP Jayabageswari was living in the house of his sister-in-law Tariniprasad Koirala in Chawhil. After the royal announcement on the 10th of June, the country's big and small politicians, social workers, professors and intellectuals used to flock to the Koirala residence.

People were eager to hear BP's views and analysis on the post-referendum scenario. At that time, there was no social media, nor were newspapers accessible to the general public. Newspapers were not even independent. 

BP used to answer by summarizing the views of everyone present there. While expressing his views, in various contexts, he would ask everyone the same question over and over again – the horse before the buggy or the buggy before the horse? At that time, this question of BP did not enter anyone's mind.

Now, four decades later, that interpretation of BP Koirala's horse and buggy in the context of the Nepali Congress convention has been etched in my memory. The 'Prime Minister-in-waiting' and Nepali Congress Chairman Sher Bahadur Deuba has started expressing the idea of ​​holding elections first with his relatives and only then holding a convention. It is like tying a horse behind a buggy.

Then, it cannot be said that a clever political player leader like Deuba does not understand this. However, people have certain age-related physical constraints and personal obligations. It does not allow people to make rational decisions. On the other hand, the person in power does not want to face reality. 

An independent observer who studies political events looks at the reality with naked eyes, while a political activist speaks only what the leader finds 'dear' in favor of his own interests. This is an old custom. Now all the old and new political parties of Nepal are under the pressure of generational change. The big leaders of all the parties who are holding the command of the party have a hunger to become 'respectable' while the new generation workers have a desire to reach power and taste happiness. The pervasive influence of

communication has hypnotized people beyond their need for power. It is not seen that the respected leaders of any party want to understand this unbearable reality. Leaders must understand this fact - the party will not be strong only by collecting crores of crores of money and building a luxurious building for the party. Unless the theoretical foundations of the party are strengthened, there can be no change. Now the democratic socialism of the Congress and the multi-party democracy of the people of the UML have left the political scene. The leaders of any party have not been conscious of ideological clarity.

As far as the Nepali Congress is concerned, organizationally, the situation of this party is not favorable for elections. The idea of ​​holding a party convention only after winning the elections is sure to prove suicidal for the Congress. Since the country was transformed into a Federal Democratic Republic in 2063, the basic foundations of the Congress have been eroding and collapsing. In the absence of organizational strengthening, its 'vote earning mechanism' has become rusty.

Madhesh province, which has been the base of the Congress since the revolution of 2007, has been lost to the Congress for a decade. The trend of influential Madhesh leaders breaking away from the so-called mainstream Congress and UML to form different regional parties or join established regional parties is increasing. This situation exists in all the other six provinces of the country. In fact, many of the heroes of the massive mass movement of 2062/063 have been forced to hunker down. Under the leadership of Chairman Deuba, the organization of the Congress has not been able to accumulate even a little power.

Why did this happen? All the big and small parties except the Congress have started organizing against the Congress at various levels. Congress has not yet shown readiness to study the reasons for this and make organizational reforms. An attempt is being made in the Congress to establish the chaotic belief that all workers are independent in the democratic party. This is the suicidal trend seen in the current Congress leadership.

After the emergence of New Nepal as a Federal Democratic Republic, there was no ideological consensus between political parties of any ideology, including the Left and the Right, with the Congress. Congress leader Girija Prasad Koirala worked very hard to bring the Maoists involved in the people's war into mainstream politics. However, there was no political result.

After the constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic was promulgated, the Maoists repeatedly came to power equalization with Congress and UML. Nothing came out of that either. The idea that Nepal will move faster on the path of development after the new democratic system has turned out to be a fantasy. There was no place for the Left parties to mix with the Congress. Even now, it is not because of Congress that UML has come to power sharing. There are serious problems in UML as in Congress. As in the Congress, there is no easy solution in the UML. 

Congress is now dominated by the 'Chairmanship' system. Its democratic character has been tarnished. There is a tendency in the Congress that the chairman acts as if he 'listens' to everyone and the workers do their duty by clapping and greeting the chairman 'Jai Nepal'. The new and old, zealous and dutiful leaders and workers of the Congress have gradually started to leave the current leadership. Commentary on the establishment and anti-establishment aspects of the party is being prepared.

In that commentary, the number of people who say 'Jogi did not do politics' is large. It is not seen anywhere that these things have alerted Chairman Deuba. He seems to be unconcerned and absolute about this. Since he succeeded in forming the government by including the Panchas in the year 2052, Chairman Deuba has had the opportunity to run the party according to his wishes under his own leadership.

That is why he is projecting the idea of ​​holding the party convention only after the upcoming elections. There is no dearth of young leaders who agree with this 'idea' of his. There has never been a dearth of power freaks in the Congress after coming to power. Over time, those who have been led astray by the frenzy of love for power are accepting Chairman Deuba's opinion or non-idea, but in the changed situation, it should not be considered otherwise.

One fact that Chairman Deuba does not want to understand is that in the country's political arena, Congress will be able to lead the government together with other political parties or run the government together with other parties as at present. However, the opponents of the Congress, which leads the economic and social changes of Nepalese society through democratic politics, are increasing in one form or another.

Chairman Deuba has considered power as paramount. However, rather than power, it was necessary for him to concentrate on building the organization of the Congress. Power transfer was not the main objective of the Congress. Congress initiated many economic reforms in the last parliamentary term but it was not enough. His aim that power for the Congress is only a weapon for political, economic and social awakening in Nepali society has been eroded over time. These idealistic formulas seem irrelevant in modern times. However, bringing a new economic and social awakening to the country is more important than running the power for any party. 

President Deuba has ascended to power five times. However, he has not yet been able to show any political 'miracle', for which the world should praise him. Even as the chairman, he has not seen a concrete role in the development and expansion of the organization.

Congress is in crisis at the moment. This party, which made the country republican, is being attacked from all sides. UML, Maoists, regional and ethnic parties of different character are sure to dig against the Congress whenever they get a chance. Moreover, now the Congress has become the main star of the Jamaat, which is rallying in favor of the King. Chairman Deuba's conscience must have accepted this.