The convicts of the Navraj Vick murder case escaped under the protection of former minister and MP Janardan Sharma. The then MP Krishna Thapa was protected in the differences in the Kiriyaputri building in Pokhara. In the Rupa Sunar Dera case, it is public knowledge that the then Education Minister Krishna Gopal Shrestha had protection. Hark Sampang, the mayor of Dharan sub-metropolitan city, continues to make hateful and discriminatory comments against the Dalit community. Chairman of Siraha's Bhagwanpur Rural Municipality, Ugran Narayan Yadav, has exposed the involvement and protection of state representatives in cases of caste discrimination, such as discrimination in death rituals.

Now, allegations have come in the media that the Home Minister Ramesh Akhtar and Inspector General of Police Vasant Kunwar are involved in the protection of the accused who tried to break the inter-caste marriage between Sarlahi's Satyendra Ram and Neha Rauniyar. These are just examples of state-protected discrimination.

The chain of oppression of the state on the Dalit community seems to be continuously increasing due to the questionable role of the main person of the agency that ensures the protection and observance of the law and the end of discrimination. Also, it does not matter that not taking concrete steps to end discrimination and not giving justice to the victims is another form of oppression. We are citizens of the Federal Democratic Republic. Citizens of the twenty-first century of science and technology! Many Nepalis loudly claim that where is untouchability? Gone! Leaders make loud speeches, the constitution and laws have put an end to untouchability. Parliament has declared untouchable nation. However, in practice, untouchability has been deeply rooted in the minds of Nepalese for thousands of years. which can appear at any time. 

The Dalit community is forced to suffer discrimination and untouchability in every day, every moment and every step including pregnancy, birth, birth rituals, fasting, marriage, death rituals, which cannot be accounted for.

The incident of Satyendra-Neha who suffered discrimination during inter-caste marriage, the discrimination during Chhath Puja in Rautahat, the discrimination during Saraswati Puja in school in Achham, but now the case of the death of Dalit community in Baitadi district where the neighbors did not come to the rescue has come to light. These incidents paint a grim picture of the times we live in. The state, which has the responsibility to end discrimination, on the contrary protects the discriminator, the school, which has the responsibility to produce the light of knowledge to end discrimination, reproduces discrimination, and if the neighbor who is called the mother of men and the living people, discriminates even when he is a man, what will he say to him?

The defender of the law is the predator

Untouchability is not a new issue for Dalits, but discrimination and untouchability in the protection and involvement of the state in the modern state system is a new and surprising issue. The beginning and development of untouchability is the history of the state. When studying the creation and implementation of Manusmriti, the creation and implementation of social reform rules by kings, and the caste/caste system made by Jung Bahadur's civil law, it is clear that untouchability is a stain on humanity imposed by the state. 

In the name of value recognition, culture and culture, the state should take a concrete initiative to remove this stigma that has been rooted in the mind of every Nepali, just as it started and developed it. But, unfortunately, the state is not for the end of discrimination, but for protection. This is an extreme form of state-protected discrimination. Even in the Federal Democratic Republic, there is a tendency for the police not to take complaints about untouchability easily, even if they do, they do not conduct serious investigations, they do not gather witness evidence and weaken the case. In recent times, suspicious deaths of Dalits in police custody are also increasing. The fact that the behavior of the police is not victim-friendly is also indicated by the recent circular issued by the police to subordinate agencies. 

The police tried to arrest the married couple of Satyendra-Neha in Mumbai against the law and arrested them from Tikathali in Kathmandu after the marriage and subjected them to physical and mental torture and filed a case of child marriage. On the basis of proof of age, one court has already registered the marriage, the police has registered a complaint of child marriage and another court has issued an arrest warrant. All these facts make the role of Ministry of Home Affairs, Police Administration and Court doubtful. Isn't this pattern of state-protected differentiation confirmed that the protector of the people is the predator?

It was expected that an old, experienced and legal background home minister who leads the police and district administration office, the main body that enforces laws and takes legal action in cases of untouchability, will not only comply with the constitution and laws, but also do concrete work for the justice of the Dalit community. However, in the Satyendra-Neha case, his role was not seen as victim-friendly. 

Nepal's constitution and laws and universal recognition of human rights have given a person the right to freedom to marry the person he likes. In this sense, adult children have the right to marry whomever they like. On the one hand, the trend of inter-caste love and marriage is increasing, on the other hand, such marriages are not accepted in the society, discrimination, humiliation, various tortures, violence, eviction of the village and in some cases even murders have been seen. False cases such as child marriage, kidnapping, and trafficking have also been used to keep them in jail for a long time. The stories of Sete Damai, Shiv Shankar Das, Ajit Mizar, Navraj Vick who were killed due to inter-caste marriage and Satyendra Ram and other Dalit youths who are in jail in various wrongful cases show this fact.

Whether discrimination or violence, humiliation or contempt, houses set on fire or demolition, rape or violence, beatings or murders, loss of everything or expulsion from the village, how much does it hurt the people of this community or the Dalit movement when Dalits continue to suffer in the cycle of all kinds of exploitation, oppression and discrimination? How much pain? The idea of ​​being seen, heard and read in different media is very painful and revolutionary for Dalits. But, in reality, like the elephant's showing and eating teeth, they appear superficial and fruitless.  A politics or campaign based on fear, panic and greed of

parties, donors, bosses, the state or anyone else saying something is evidence of extreme hypocrisy. It is necessary to seriously review this brutality of the Dalit movement and prepare a strategy to end this trend and struggle with the state power, religious power and party power in an integrated way. Otherwise, state-protected discrimination and oppression is sure to continue to grow.

Since the Satyendra-Neha case is a serious incident involving high government officials, it is mandatory for the government to establish a high-level inquiry committee or a high-level parliamentary inquiry committee to find out the truth. Otherwise, whoever does whatever he does will be given the wrong impression of getting immunity under the guise of power.