One question is heard by all the Nepalis - "What about federalism?" Except for those who have become chief minister and minister, it is like a jackal's horn, not seen by others.' Other voices are also heard - 'Haven't we built the strength to strengthen the provincial structure within this constitution? If the center wants to transform the centralized governance into a federal structure, it has taken it into itself.

Therefore, there is no point in talking about a strong and influential province within the constitution that the center can take into itself and swallow. This is an exciting prospect for tomorrow.'' The relevance of Ghur dialogue therefore remains. Here various sensations are repeated in their own rhythm. It is a fact that has been revealed - there is a lot of faith and trust towards federalism at the ground level.

Madhesh is a questionable society. It questions the existing state power as well as all forms of power and structure. Doing this is necessary to keep moving forward. Questioning has created a culture of argument and debate. Arguing and debating is human nature, but debating the nature of society and power is not simple and innocent. Due to this, there is a danger of power rustling. Thus discussion and debate is like resistance in a way. Centuries of ruling mentality will not collapse only through the articles of the constitution. This tug of war nourishes the provinces. 

From Madhesh province, for the time being, efforts should be made to widen the space of regional practice within this constitution. Federalism is the roadmap for the mainstreaming of Madhesh. It is a mantra to unite the country. Federalism is not a destination in itself, it is a way. Aam Madheshi has an emotional attachment to it due to the discussion of the last seven decades. But the fact that the political forces that fought for federalism are unwillingly involved in its practice is not hidden even in the remote countryside. There is no convergence between the wishes of the common Madheshi and the actions of the Madhesh government.

Since the beginning, those who have reached Dadupnew in Madhesh Pradesh have been coming. which is now known as the character of territorial power. A new elite has emerged. The members of the state assembly are on edge, because some leaders have taken away all their rights.

The political, economic and social environment has played a role in the formation of the neo-elite class in Madhesh. For the long jump, the feet of the Sangha are tied, while the Messiah himself puts the Sikri in his hands. And many stories of Super Chief Minister, Shadow Chief Minister and Shadow Finance Minister have come out in Janakpur's ruling circle. Therefore, it is difficult to determine what will be the form of Madhesh tomorrow.

The Madheshi party, which immediately left the movement for the implementation of the new constitution and entered into electoral politics, then made Madhesh the ladder of power politics. Many were reluctant to continue unitary rule within the constitutional structure. The new structure of the country is being pushed to the brink and the Center has to raise the palanquin.

Many political structures were necessary for freedom from undemocratic control, decision-making and interference by the centre. But it turned out to be an ugly imitation of a purely unitary system. Federalists today rushed to defend the interests of the dominant. Seeing this rhythm of the Madhesi parties, the Madhesi people are asking in one voice - 'How much federalism is this?' 

Now, the clamor of solidarity between the Madhesi party has started again. What is the destination of this undertaking? Is it a concerted effort to transform the federal democratic republic into an old-style centralized government system? Are they creating a roadmap to institutionalize federalism, shape the concept of a strong province? The powers that started the meeting for unity, when they were in the federal government, in a meeting of the Council of Ministers, did they raise the issue of removing the obstacles of federalism? Presented strongly in Parliament? 

Did you make any active efforts to be popular with the Madhesh government that you managed, to be seen as a common supporter of the marginalized and to give an alternative framework for development? Have they not been helping to make the state more centralized? 

The current majority of Madhesi leaders have grown up in the Congress-UML culture. It is understood that they are eager to set the pace at the grassroots due to their strong desire for federalism but the tendency to devalue regionalism in their party behavior. During the struggle, the headquarters of the party will be kept in Madhesh, during the agitation, they will beat the cymbals saying that Madhesh has 'fallen', but later, Madhesh will only become a 'tour point'. The delegates of Madhesh should be careful, federalism cannot be achieved by sitting in Kathmandu. 

Now, the president of Madhesh feels that we have come with the natural right to rule over Madhesh. Those who mined their land with the slogan of Madheshism, they also had a steadfast slogan for federalism, but they did not have the necessary vision for a strong federalism. The time of the red warriors who came to rule the state is not called gold and the time of the people who carry the diversity is not called bronze. 

The sense of insecurity prevalent in some leaders of Madhesh, the abstract desire to trade the tune of unity with the tune of power, the stake to cleverly give another direction to the internal discontent within their party, the Mahasnan to purify their weaknesses or the folk mood is not a political trump card. This solidarity should become a basic prelude to strong federalism. The cleaning of Kasinger who is seen in the path of regional practice by showing himself to each other or by heaping blame on the failure of the big party cannot be useful. 

When the Madhesi parties shake hands with each other, it should be for the promotion of federalism. Let all the marginalized people of Nepal feel that they are searching for our egalitarian future. 

Those who vowed to unite should keep in mind that cursing the ruling UML-Congress will not bring happiness to Madhesh. The spirit of Madhesh is not as easy as you think. Those who have seen the arrogance of the Janakpur government up close will not believe them so quickly. Madhesh is currently waiting for meaningful changes. Mainly UML-Congress-Maoist who listen to the unity of Madhesh should show priority to improve the current regional practice of disorder. The other-mindedness shown by these big parties has now become a time to rejoice for the Madhesi leaders. 

Politicians will continue to exist until the agenda of Madhesh is addressed. In such a situation, it is admirable that various stages of negotiations are trying to create a spring season in Madhesi politics by standing up to the Madhesi power and gossiping.

The search for a common platform to find the way to strong federalism is not easy. However, the current round of talks can play an important role in making the campaign to find that way more meaningful. Nowadays, there is a lot of discussion about the federal structure for the sake of correcting the injustice or eradicating the differences, soft centralism for prosperity or respect. Those who hold solidarity meetings should give equal thought to these fundamental debates. How the leadership is equipped with knowledge, for that, the production of intellectual dose is equally needed. 

Now Madhesh has to be protected from becoming a playground of multilateral powers. Madhesh cannot be a laboratory of geo-political confrontation. The analysis of the ground reality of Madhesh should be prioritized over who will be the coordinator of the talk series, who will sit in the board of directors, who will show their face in the media or take credit for saying that this talk is my 'brainchild'.  This is the core challenge of the