Among the three major parties of Khas-Arya supremacy in Nepal, the chairman of the Nepali Congress has been in the leadership line of the government or the opposition since 1991. Be it a divided CPN (UML) or a political experiment that was 'unified' with the Maoist Center for some time, Prime Minister Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli has also been in a leadership role since the early 1990s.

After the 16-point conspiracy in 2015, President Sharma Oli has become a nationalist model for all the political parties of Khas-Arya supremacy, as he has become an ethnic mukhtiar. Irrespective of the name of the political platforms, President Pushpa Kamal Dahal has never left his throne of Sarvesarva since the 1990s till date.

Despite sitting in a leadership role for almost 35 years, why could the trinity of Nepali politics not prepare a young and competent line of their political heirs? Why would they be involved in the competition to be portrayed as a stigmatized character in history in a bid to take credit for success? Perhaps it is due to the widespread tendency to use abusive language in the name of criticism (confession: even the rower says 'ma ma'!), the general Nepali society has not been able to establish a culture of questioning or deeply discussing an issue. Everyone needs a new avatar or at least another Jung Bahadur to do what they don't want to or can't do.

There is a constant debate about the importance of heroism not only in society but also in religion, culture and economic activities as well as in politics. Since the leadership of a social leader is generally voluntary and voluntary in nature, his contribution is respected. However, because of the luxurious lifestyle of some international and local non-governmental organizations, social service has gradually turned from a dedicated work (vocation) to a job for attractive financial returns like other skilled professions (profession) is not unfounded. Even in Abrahamic religions such as Christianity or Islam, there are not sects such as Catholics and Protestants and Shia and Sunnis, but all of them are basically monotheistic.

In the Jain, Buddhist, Charvaka and Ajivik faiths of the Śrāmāna tradition, which the Vedic Aryavartas declared to be atheistic philosophy, mundane conduct is prioritized over the transcendental. The Brahmanical faith group, which the sages called Vedic and the Arabs called Hindu, does not have a concept of centralized heroism.

After the reformist belief that there are many forms and incarnations of the Supreme Brahman, the practice of Sanatan Dharma has become widespread in India as an integrated combination of Vedic rituals, ascetic traditions, and non-virtuous lifestyles. By changing the name, the diversity within the faith does not go away. The Sanatana Astha group is not a monotheistic 'religion', although the controversy between Har and Hari supporters has subsided since the influence of Adi Shankaracharya, the founder of the Advaita school of Vedanta.

The Mahakumbh of Prayagraj, where the largest number of religious people and spectators gather in one place, is organized this time after 144 years. It is not unusual for a crowd of millions to disperse, but the subsequent events reveal how the Sanatan Astha group has been transformed into a political ideology of Hindutva. After the stampede, the exact figures of those who lost their lives or were injured due to being crushed and trampled have not been made public.

It is almost certain that the government figures published are much lower than the reality. Shankaracharya Swami Avimukteswarand Saraswati has raised the issue that Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath should resign due to the mismanagement of Mahakumbh and the moral responsibility of those who died prematurely.

Jyotirmath, Govardhan Math, Sringeri Sharada Peeth and Dwarika Peeth established by Adi Shankaracharya. However, he also does not have the authority to issue religious orders like Christian clerics or fatwas like in Islam. The text emanating from the wisdom of Shankaracharya of Jyotirmath cannot be an instruction that everyone must follow.

But when you see the congregation of saints, monks and abbots against him, it seems that in the faith group with 33 million deities, no religious leader considers himself less important than anyone else. The professional managers of Gasus Enterprises have reduced the respect of social leaders such as luxurious Babas, miraculous Sadhus and eloquent Gurus, turning religious heroism into cultural and social celebrities.

To be called the hero of the economic sector in the free market, one has to innovate in the field of useful products or services. Reliable quality, reasonable price, agile distribution system, appropriate tax payment and management with social responsibility should be shown. Reduction in sales price by cost optimization, attractive advertising, extensive publicity and incentives given to distributors, sellers and consumers are also acceptable activities in the economic sector for market expansion and competition. Creating artificial shortages by forming groups and gangs (syndication and cartelling) of

producers or service providers, making profit by setting random prices, or cleverly using various legal instruments to evade taxes are not economic heroism, but the symptoms of gang management.

Economic heroes believe in their business organizations and their investors, colleagues, employees, workers and partners, as well as consumers, sellers, distributors and managers of products or services. Gangster businessmen sometimes seek political patronage through middlemen and sometimes directly themselves. The political leadership line does not change abruptly in the economy and politics of feudal capitalism based on this type of patron-client relationship. If so, it can be considered expensive and risky for all the subordinates, middlemen and patrons to search for new characters after choosing the relationships developed by investing heavily over a long period of time.

In the situation caused by the confusion of economic and political leadership, most of the heroes of the state management system are either transformed into counter-heroes or even if they are considered worthless, the interest groups keep them in power by doing many tricks. A hero turns a democracy into a kakistocracy, while a kleptocracy flourishes under the leadership of the villains. Due to the ethnic diversity of wealthy people, it is difficult to survive in the politics of Khas-Arya supremacy. Even the minority rich host of Nepal will have to bow down in front of the Tharghar Pandit-Priest and the civil and military officials of the state.

commercial politics

In Vedic religion, every sage has his own gotra and every Mahamandaleshwar has a separate arena in Mahakumbha, since 1951, all the leading politicians have been doing politics by setting up separate platforms in Nepal. Why is it difficult to call the different platforms set up for a share in power as different political parties if there is no ideological diversity in them.

Before 1951, all the politicians were fighting against the monarchy. After that, for a decade, the competition to become the favorite of the restored Shah power intensified. After the royal-military coup of 1960, during the three-decade-long period of autocracy of the Shah kings, the demand for the restoration of the multi-party system was not an ideology, but a simple slogan.

After 1990, when almost all parties were joining the race to do 'politics for development', the Maoists entered the political market with a revised version of Chinese communism. After 2008, when he shed his egalitarian cultural and economic-political mask, the Maoists have also stood in line with other political platforms of Khas-Arya supremacy. After 2015, there is no ideological difference left between the parties involved in the 16-point conspiracy. The working methods of parties such as commercial corporations, political operators for prosperity are different.

Chhetris dominate the Nepali Congress, which operates like a multi-partnership firm so that the heads and chiefs of small factions can participate in the party structure according to their status. The Pragya dictionary also defines Chhetri as 'a caste who takes responsibility for running the state according to tradition'. That is why, the arrogance of the Congress cadres that they are the only contenders for power after the autocratic king started to be seen after the 1980 referendum. The party, which survived the decades of banning mainly on the interdependence of Madhesh and Madheshi, did not say a word against the alienation of its customers and patrons when the migration report was released in 1984. After 1990, although there was internal competition for control of the firm, it is not public knowledge that there was any kind of ideological churning within the party. Chairman Deuba opened his separate Nepali Congress (D) shop after the then King Gyanendra showed greed for monopoly in political business. After 2015, although the old name has been retained, the militant party opposing the Rana and Shah autocracy in principle has become the completely dedicated Nepali Congress (D). There is no other ideological basis or theoretical stance left in this, except that the government continues to be a part of the power.

Since the United Left Front was formed in 1990 under the control of the Jhapali Naxals, the so-called Marxist-Leninists pushed the previous Marxists into the background. What the experience of the Soviet Union after 1941 shows is that the fusion of Marxism and Leninism will lead to totalitarianism of an autocratic nature. Perhaps seeing the same fear, Madan Kumar Bhandari, the founder general secretary of the CPN (UML) party, prepared the concept of multi-party democracy of the people to cover the shame of the ex-communists who entered the parliamentary system.

He died before the newly formed party could take shape, riding a wave of sympathy the party formed a minority government and with it the transformation of the Bahun-dominated UML into a 'holding company' with a controlling stake in many large, medium and small businesses. There is no evidence of shadow investment, but almost all gas venture giants in Nepal were monopolized by UML-affiliated social entrepreneurs for a long time. As soon as the names of the schools and hospitals in Ekta's profit zone were taken, the discussion started as to which UML politician was involved in such an undertaking. Since business in the health and education sector has become widespread now, some people from all parties of Khas-Arya supremacy are associated with such undertakings.

New players are now appearing in the cooperative and microfinance business. Otherwise, for a long time, most of such undertakings were dominated by UML-affiliated businessmen. Over the course of time, some of them have succeeded in creating an independent image by becoming directors of big banks and business entities through development banks. Besides donating land for the party, Meen Bahadur Gurung, the owner of the nationwide Bhatbhateni department store chain and newly wealthy investor, who participated in the groundbreaking ceremony to build a state-of-the-art office building at a cost of hundreds of crores, may have appeared in the avatar of Danveer Karn for the UML.

The alternative reality is that the contemporary value of seed capital in the 1990s must have been many times higher. One would have to be a little more naive to believe that the running costs of a full-time worker-based party are solely driven by donations from well-wishers, handouts from supporters, membership fees and levies from office-bearers. An English proverb means - If you believe in something, it's not a lie!

The Maoists, who raised their initial operating expenses through intimidation, looting and extortion, have transformed into the main purveyors of crony capitalism by connecting with businessmen associated with land buying and selling, water resources and power generation, remote and mass communication, labor export and large project contracting. Compared to the dominant parties, the Madhesh dependent parties look like retail grocers, sole proprietorship street vendors or peddlers who travel from house to house selling goods with their property.

s of their apolitical behavior or petty corruption become headline news, the manipulation of political players of Khas-Arya supremacy is either legalized or such actions are legitimized in a ghostly manner according to the principle of necessity. After all, it is not with the seller of a handful of greens to bargain, who dares to haggle at the price of a cup of tea in a five-star hotel!

hostile multi-party system

The presence of Maoists prevented old parties like Congress and UML from adding semi-colons and semi-colons to the constitution of 1991, which placed the president instead of the king. The Madhesh parties had not become 'national' or 'socialist' by that time, so the drafters of the constitution had to accept symbolic federalism and symbolic inclusiveness, albeit with a sour mind and blurred eyes. In the past decade, a lot of sewage has been mixed in the river coming out of Wagdwar, a lot of water has flowed.