A lawyer friend met in Diktel Bazar in the morning of Pus. This lawyer is an old friend of mine who is practicing both law and teaching at the same time in Kathmandu. As we entered the tea shop, a group of young students were talking politically to their own tunes. Today, whether in the village or in the city-market, one cannot hear any political talk.

He knew that I returned to the village and started farming in my middle age when I could not enjoy the profession of a so-called researcher. After starting to live in the village, I told a short experience that I started to feel deeply how unemployment, migration, migration of labor, how poverty is increasing and how political parties, leaders and the state are moving away from the people. My friends also expressed their grief about advocacy.

His conclusion was - 'It is difficult for a lawyer who cannot reconcile a fight and a judge to make a living. Justice itself is for sale.' Meanwhile, one of the youth shouted very loudly that 'broker capitalism has ruined the country, there are brokers everywhere, this country will still be ruined'. Lawyer Mitra looked at me and laughed and said - 'Yes, I also talked about crony capitalism.' Then our discussion also turned towards crony capitalism.

Talking about crony capitalism, I remembered my friend Ghanshyam Bhusal. The monarchy ended in 2062/63. The communists were ambivalent about how to view the incident. The CPN-Maoist talked about ending the new feudalism through rebellion and bringing democracy of the twenty-first century. Bhusal theorized the phenomenon in a completely new way.

According to him, the people's revolution or the people's multi-party democracy has been completed in Nepal! Now there is no semi-feudal semi-colonial situation in Nepal! Our society is capitalist! Brokers are capitalists! Now we have to put an end to broker capital and develop national capital and fight for socialism. He believed that a completely new era has come than the era explained by Pushpalal, Mohanvikram Singh, Madan Bhandari, Prachanda. 

Bhusal's interpretation became established and now became the doctrine of all communist parties. However, the more socialism became popular in Nepali politics, the more the leadership of the party was captured by crony capitalism. Domestic employment was decreasing, the door to foreign countries was opening. Industry withered, business flourished. Politics was dying, brokering was flourishing. The disappointment that I am experiencing living in the village, the experience of my lawyer friends in the court and the youth who are despairing about the future, the meaning of crony capitalism is one thing - Nepal is becoming economically, socially and politically in crisis.

broker capitalism and Nepal

Broker capitalism is an arrangement where traders in the third world join the process of selling goods and services produced in the respective countries to traders in rich countries with a profit margin. Middlemen i.e. brokers have relationship with local area and producers. With the connivance of state officials and administrators, they collude with foreign traders by holding the state hostage.

In other words, a middle class within a country that works for foreign investors, multinationals, bankers and military interests (Robert Vitalis, January 29, 2009). Earlier, a broker (comprador) was specifically a Chinese representative of a European merchant. Dalal class is born under the guise of power.

In the past, colonists bred and raised brokers in their colonies. Therefore, his children became more privileged, wealthy and relatively educated than the rest of the common people and continued to enjoy power. Therefore, this class always became a back-up class of feudal and imperialists in opposition to struggle, movement or change (Aschroff et al., 2007, p. 55).

The term 'broker-bureaucratic capitalism' was also applied to similar traders in Latin American countries. The middlemen of the country called 'Banana Republic' used to export minerals abroad using the government mechanism, i.e. white-collar bureaucracy. Such an economy increased the dependence of the southern countries even more. Explaining it in more detail, the Dependency Theory was born in the 1960s. Today the character of the economy has changed.

At that time, rich countries used to show influence on the strength of their economy and military power, but now many organizations are influencing. Like: Banks, Dalal companies (brokerage firms), insurance companies, joint venture companies, influence expands. Large multinational corporations contribute to the creation of the broker-capitalist class economically, politically and socially. Multinational corporations, businessmen, industrialists, bankers of these countries expand their influence through intermediaries, broker capitalists, national capitalists, labor unions, environmental sector, cultural and religious groups (Amir M. Hanif et al., 12 May, 2015).

Pushpalal explained that there is a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society in Nepal. In fact, it was not based on research and research about the production method and class formation situation in Nepal. In 1937, Chinese leader Mao Zedong studied the autonomous region controlled by the People's Liberation Army in China and called China semi-feudal and semi-colonial because of the character of Chinese society and the main conflict between feudalism and imperialism.

Based on that, Pushpalal explained that Nepal is semi-feudal and semi-colonial like Chinese society. Pushpalal's explanation certainly had some basis. The main source of income or livelihood was land. The rule of the feudal lords remained in it. The Rana ruler was eating kut (royalty) by sending Nepali youth to the army of the British Empire. British and Indian military recruitment did not stop after the 2007 transition, but rather expanded. After 1960, the autocratic rule of King Mahendra was essentially a feudal monarchy. Although some import substitution industries were opened with foreign assistance, no effort was made to lay the foundation of productive industrialization. 

The neoliberalization that began in 1992 shifted the economy more toward mercantilism. This led to the death of feudalism in Nepal. Unproductive commercialism fostered dependency. After the profit in business increased, industrialists started business after closing the private sector industry. Government enterprises were closed or privatized and the capital was reinvested in business. With this trend, it was natural that agricultural and industrial production gradually decreased. In the

economy, local production was replaced by foreign employment. The practice of collecting kut from land and industrial establishments, foreign employment or recruitment of youths in foreign armies expanded. From the bottom to the top of the party in such things as taking commissions in contracts, taking bribes in employee transfers and promotions, taking jobs and collecting bribes, winning cases and taking 'service fees', getting hydropower projects, forests and mines, and managing real estate for party offices by allowing them to evade taxes. Leaders, administrators, judges, MPs began to appear. The reins of such an economy fell into the hands of a handful of capitalists.

After the recent neoliberalization, such distortions in the economy and politics grew as culture. Considering this development of capitalism, Ghanshyam Bhusal named it 'broker capitalism'. This path is exactly opposite to the expansion of neo-industrialization in China or many other countries after 1978. 

Political economist Brett Christopher calls this tendency 'rentier capitalism'. According to him, now there is financial exploitation through banks and financial institutions, exploitation of natural resources through carbon liberalism, exploitation of intellectual property, exploitation for creating a market or providing a platform to the market, exploitation of earned profits, exploitation of infrastructure and exploitation of land. Six (Brett Christopher, 2020, Rentier Capitalism). Bhusal's crony capitalism and Christopher's 'Kutkhor capitalism' have many similarities.

The famine of ideas

was born during the Congress and communist era. The dream of people's rule in place of Jahanian rule required them to have revolutionary ideas and principles. Even in the anti-panchayat movement, ideas and principles kept the people in the loop. But after democracy and republic, they themselves became rulers like Pancha. Now all the old and established parties including UML, Congress, Maoists are being fingered. Yesterday they had something to tell the people.

Yesterday Congress had BP's democratic socialism, Communists had Pushpalal's New Democracy. Maoists had Prachanda's twenty-first century populism and people's war. Now they have no ideas, principles and programs, only power and wealth. The multi-party democracy of the people that UML called for has been transformed into Oli's totalitarianism. BP's successors in Congress are Sher Bahadur-Arju-Gagan. The Maoist people's war has been sold for Prachanda's ascension to power. Looking at Sher Bahadur Deuba, who believes that Congress is BP's party? As the ideas and principles were flowing, these leaders and their followers were also promoted. People are moving away from the party as the party moves away from the idea.

As the criticism on the old parties increases, the leaders and activists of the same parties are crying that the 'democratic movement' and 'the values ​​of the democratic movement have been attacked'. The reality is that the people are waking up from the repeated deceptions given by that leader. To exploit power, he sacrificed principles and colluded with crony capitalism.

Crony capitalism gave them power and wealth but could not undertake to make them appear revolutionary. In this sense, the failure of these leaders is the success of crony capitalism. Therefore, this slander is not a good leader's more famous party or a slander of broker capitalist leaders. So the failure of the party is the failure of thoughtlessness. Either the workers of that party had to change the leadership and a leader with the idea of ​​social change had to come forward, or else the party had to be ready to succeed. Those who waited for Mission-84 with this leader in power for 3 years would do well to understand that it could be the last mission.

The idea of ​​BP in the Congress survived until the agitation of 2046/47. In 2048/49, with the advent of neoliberalism, the BP idea fell out of the Congress. The Congress has only insulted BP by putting neoliberalism as a barrier. The failure of neoliberalism is visible worldwide. Let's see how Nepali Congressmen defend it.

The multi-party democracy of Madan Bhandari's people had stopped working after the outbreak of the People's War. In fact, with the end of the monarchy, the rationale of Prachandapath also ended. Then Ghanshyam Bhusal brought forward a new proposal in the communist movement. He also established his ideas in the Communist Party. But any new theory works only after extensive intellectual study and acceptance by the society. Bhusal himself did not seem to be interested in doing such a study. As a result, the broker capitalism that he explained destroyed his communist party and socialism. 

If we don't answer the question of why communist parties are in the service of broker capitalism and how to protect them, this idea will not be justified. If socio-political ideas cannot be developed according to the pace of society, they will not work. The study of ideology should be studied as social knowledge. According to the German political scientist Tun A. Vanzic, the state and activity of ideology is not limited to the acquisition of personal knowledge. Rather they are social, political, cultural and historical. Social discourse and ideologies are constructed, transformed and reproduced (Vanczyk Tune A (1998) Ideology, A Multidisciplinary Approach, Sage Publications, 1998).