Rana rule overthrown 2007 February 7. Panchayat collapsed 2046 Chait 26. And, the monarchy became the basis for reconciliation on 2063 Baisakh 11. These three dates are the days when the big civil uprising against the then government was successful. Therefore, when February, March and Baisakh come in the Vikram Samvat calendar every year, the civil struggle for democratic change is remembered and discussed.

Rana rule overthrown 2007 February 7. Panchayat collapsed 2046 Chait 26. And, the monarchy became the basis for reconciliation on 2063 Baisakh 11. These three dates are the days when the big civil uprising against the then government was successful. Therefore, when February, March and Baisakh come in the Vikram Samvat calendar every year, the civil struggle for democratic change is remembered and discussed.

The timing of the revolts in all three periods is the same. Therefore, those who are dissatisfied with the state power and rulers take this season as a 'time symbol' for agitation. And, they assume that every winter there may be a movement or rebellion.

This year too, there was a fear that the protests against the decision to build a cable car in Pathibhara/Mukkumlung would spread elsewhere. As the talks progressed, it became a stalemate. The same fear sometimes manifests itself during the struggle of the victims of the fight, sometimes when a young man dies due to the shooting of the security personnel in the dispute over the Korean language exam. 

The incident of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina having to leave the country due to the rebellion led by students against reservation in Bangladesh last year has now become an international example of civil rebellion in Nepal. Pushpa Kamal Dahal, the leader of the main opposition party Maoist, or some people from the civil society, when they have to threaten or warn those in power, they say - 'I will make the condition of Bangladesh. If the situation is similar, there may be a revolt like Bangladesh.' 

Citizens are powerful in a democratic republican system. But due to the lack of democratic transformation in the government structure, the citizens have not received the facilities as expected. He had to struggle hard to live a normal life. That is why there is now a commentary on the questioning of the democratic system itself, advocating a different form of rebellion and saying that mainstream parties will not work. Which is not only the foundation of reality but also a partial reflection of prejudice and isolation from the ruling power. 

Even in the world's largest democratic countries, democracy is neither on the green signal nor on the red signal. The command can be changed so that the red light does not light up and the green lights up by opening the parts immediately. Doing this means that the political party will change its working style and meet the citizens' expectations. 

Those who compare Nepal's situation to the level of Bangladesh rebellion and try to provoke people, it is important to understand the democratic situation of the big country, the citizens/voters and the party, which was once considered the 'messiah' of democracy in the world. If the situation of such countries is not compared together, it will lead to the understanding that 'only Nepal is bad' and there is dissatisfaction only in Nepal. 

According to Chandradev Bhatt, an expert on world politics and diplomacy, there is a feeling of despair in citizens all over the world. Some dissatisfaction of the citizens towards the rulers is reflected. "There is a difference between the democracy understood by common citizens and the democracy understood by educated people or parties," says Bhatt, "Citizens talk about their reforms." But the party and scholars are considering democracy only as a process, the problem lies here.' 

The fear of the future

On January 30, a political survey report of the prestigious British research organization 'Tony Blair Institute for Global Change' and 'Deltapol' was released. The findings of the survey and event analysis conducted among 12,000 citizens of the six countries that are considered to be the best in democratic practice in the world, Britain, America, Germany, France, Canada and Australia, reveal the state, direction, fear and state of mind of large democratic countries, their rulers and citizens. The situation is roughly the same as that of present-day Nepal.

The form of democracy is changing all over the world. "Trust in politicians is declining, along with respect for all forms of authority," reads part of the report. Traditional political loyalties are not only disintegrating, but economic and social forces are affecting people's lives. Therefore, the conclusion of the study is that a kind of frustration is becoming widespread among the citizens. 

Many voters/citizens around the world are now looking for easy solutions to complex problems. As a result, the party system is fragmenting and the electorate is becoming more volatile. The benefits of this are being taken by individuals and groups who have become rebels demanding change and doing 'alternative politics'. The gist of the study is that such people and groups sometimes emerge as new parties and sometimes as instruments of pressure to transform traditional parties. 

which situation is seen in Nepal now. Here, one has to look at the results of the 2079 election to understand the cloud over the democratic system due to the political instability and the frustration of the people. After the promulgation of the 2072 constitution, the first election was held in 2074. In that election, CPN formed the government by becoming a unified party through the left alliance.

The government did not last five years. After that, political 'musical chairs' of Congress, UML and Maoists are going on in Parliament. The traditional political parties Congress, UML and Maoists are still in the parliament as major powers. They are taking turns in the leadership of power by playing parliamentary arithmetic. However, the power to challenge them has been born since the 2079 election. People's trust has started to shift from them to other places too. 

The internal factionalism of the parties, corruption, power struggles, and the dissatisfaction created by the continuation of unstable governments have led to the formation of new parties such as the National Independent Party, the Janmat Party and the Civil Liberties Party. The perceived weight of votes in the new party and the activities of other parties have helped to strengthen the perception in the society that 'traditional parties cannot do anything'. However, the style of the newly emerged party is not different from the traditional party. The activities of changing the power alliance to become ministers, prohibiting those who hold different opinions within their own party are no different from those of the old parties. Moreover, the issues of financial misappropriation, partisanship of family feuds, involvement in self-interested activities, increasing slanderous comments against the leaders of such parties, the faces of the newcomers are also becoming sarcastic. 

Economic pessimism, fear of the future and distrust of authority are common issues in the democratic world today. So many voters feel they live in a broken society, and want immediate reform. 

'Primarily, voters are dissatisfied with the competence and integrity of traditional politicians,' says the research, 'citizens want a government they can trust, capable of providing basic benefits such as freedom, security, prosperity and healthcare.' 

Now, even in Nepal, the distaste for political parties is linked to a similar issue. Nepali citizens are saying that politics has taken a wrong direction. In a recent Public Sharecast Initiative poll last December, 68 percent of respondents said politics was going in the wrong direction. The reason for that was that even the average needs of citizens were not fulfilled. 

"Democracy did not set the path to the same level of economic or prosperity as the citizens gave," Mrigendra Kumar Karki, a political and foreign affairs expert who is also the executive director of Nepal and Asian Research Center (SINAS), says, "Political parties need to prudently correct something in their policies and look back at themselves." 

The erosion of ideological integrity 

In countries with a democratic system, parties with progressive left-wing, liberal democratic and centrist ideologies used to enter the political arena. In the past, public opinion was obtained on the basis of ideology. But now, the latest study concluded that voters in democratic countries reach their decisions by looking at the tendency of the party and leader rather than the ideology. 

It signals the end of the class-based political allegiances that dominated the latter half of the 20th century. Now, voters no longer want to be bound by the party allegiances of previous generations. They do not see themselves as 'Left' or 'Right',' the survey analysis says, 'the very existence of centrist politics may be in jeopardy.' This means that traditional parties need to rebuild their style. It also means that it is not possible to move forward by sticking to the old political styles as the process of disintegration of the political alliance built by the progressive and mainstream parties is fast. 

As shown by this study, there are problems in Nepal as well, which are manifested due to the conditions, tendencies and working style of political parties in the world's big democratic countries. There is an ideological crisis in political parties. The biggest crisis is in internal democracy within the parties that carry both ideologies, whether they are left-wing or democratic. Parties run on the discretion and whims of the original leader who is more in leadership than the collective method and ideology. 

The same person is being repeated time and again in the leadership and taking advantage of the government position. For example: Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal has been the core leadership of the party for 37 years. After becoming Prime Minister three times. Yet another person in the Maoists is not ready for leadership. Nanda Bahadur, who has been vice president, has returned to the party in the aspiration of alternative leadership.

Sher Bahadur Deuba, who has played a decisive role in the Congress since 2048, has been the President of the Congress twice and the Prime Minister five times. He is waiting for his turn to become the prime minister for the sixth time. If it is the same, the chairman can run for the third term by amending the party's constitution. UML President KP Sharma Oli has been in the core leadership of the party for 10 years, having been prime minister four times. They are also preparing for the next term. Bidyadevi Bhandari, who has become the president, is in the running to return to politics from UML. 

Upendra Yadav or Mahanth Thakur, the Madhesh-centric politician who emerged after 2063, has not left the leadership. From Mohan Vikram Singh in the left camp to Narayanman Bijukche or Kamal Thapa in the right wing, the tendency to stay in office is narrowing the leadership transition and the democracy within the party. 

Those who question the leadership have left the party or have been divided even if they remain in the party. Even at the cadre level, there has been a tendency to seek leadership, to consider themselves the first entitled to get government benefits and facilities. If the upper leadership remains in the position, and the lower line tries to be its slave, new ideas cannot be born. 

The trend of not assimilating the new ideology, but continuing the old-style politics, has added to the displeasure of the citizens. "We were supposed to create a 'democratic order', but that did not happen. Only those who have access seem to benefit. The political party emphasized on the worker-centered system," says Jankar Bhatt, a political expert. "Therefore, the worker group that is benefiting wants to maintain the current status quo. But beyond the workers, nothing has been found. There is another large group, which is looking for some change.' 

Big democratic countries are not immune from this situation. "The gap between traditional political supply and the expectations of modern voters is widening. Voters are now less confident that traditionally elected parties can deliver the kinds of changes they are looking for,'' the survey's analysis says, 'and the most concrete evidence of this is the rapid decline of social-democratic and 'center-right' parties.'' "At the beginning of the 20th century, their combined vote was 75 percent, but now it has decreased to only about 50 percent," the survey states. 

The polarization of outsiders and insiders

In the past, the class patterns of citizens who were divided on ideological grounds have changed. The conclusion of the study is that there is a birth and polarization of two classes of 'outsiders' and 'insiders' all over the world. The class that is close to the ruling power and establishment is 'insiders', while 'outsiders' are those who maintain a distance and keep a critical mind. That's why there is a struggle between insiders and outsiders now in the democratic countries of the world. 

What are the perspectives of outsiders? Depending by the survey they have felt victims of the failed political system used by the 'Elite'. Despite a decision simple, it seems that the 'experts' attack the people of' experts. The outside of the outside politics are a person who has come out of defeat. They want a strong government that they make decisions based on the 'Kamance'.

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