[Archive] That form of 'criminalization' in parliamentary politics

The 'criminalization' of politics was seen as a challenge through activities such as buying and selling MPs, kidnapping them, and detaining them in hotels. Civic leaders and party leaders themselves were concerned that the distortions and inconsistencies seen in the political sector would not give the country the right direction.

Chaitra 20, 2082

Kantipur Reporter

[Archive] That form of 'criminalization' in parliamentary politics

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After the collapse of the UML's nine-month government in 2052 Bhadra, the seeds of distortion in parliamentary politics had begun to be sown. The greed for power of the largest party in parliament, UML, the second largest party in the parliament, the second largest party in the parliament, the third largest party in the parliament, the Congress, and the third largest party in the parliament, and the unstable policies of the lawmakers had been reducing the parliamentary system and faith in the parliament.

The day after Deuba led the government, the UML had put forward the tactic of no-confidence. For that, it had offered the post of Prime Minister to Rastriya Prajatantra Party leader Lokendra Bahadur Chand. In the Deuba government, 16 of the 20 RPP MPs had become ministers and 1 had become Deputy Speaker. However, the RPP was not satisfied. There was a demand for a better ministry for those who had become ministers from the RPP, a minister of state for assistant ministers, and a cabinet minister for ministers of state. RPP leader Chand wanted a prime minister at all costs. When the people's movement reached its peak in Chaitra, 2046, King Birendra made Chand the Prime Minister and was lobbying within the party in the hope of becoming the Prime Minister. Due to the anger of the Congress, the UML was also planning to give Chand the Prime Ministership but leave Deuba alone.

As per Chand's wishes, the MPs had started signing the no-confidence motion against the government by changing factions here and there. On the other hand, Deuba had to fulfill whatever demands of the RPP and the MPs and keep his post as Prime Minister. Because, the RPP MPs used to pressure Deuba by saying, 'Let's sign the no-confidence motion'.

Therefore, Deuba wanted to keep the MPs happy even if it was by using state resources. The MPs had demanded vehicle purchase facilities within 4 months of the Deuba government being formed. They had said in Parliament, ‘Why can’t we get the facilities that the Panchayats have?’ The Panchayat had provided the members of the National Panchayat with the facility to purchase vehicles at customs duty exemption in 2044. They had demanded that the MPs who fought for democracy should also get the same facility.

The Deuba government’s cabinet meeting on Magh 29, 2052 had decided to provide foreign currency exchange facilities to MPs to purchase vehicles. The cabinet’s permission to purchase vehicles was criticized across the country. However, party leaders and MPs ignored the protests. The decision to provide vehicle facilities again was made six years after the multi-party system was achieved. In an attempt to please the MPs, the government’s decision to allow the purchase of Prado and Pajero vehicles at customs duty exemption was criticized as a gift for keeping the government in power. It also tarnished the personal image of the MPs. Since Deuba came to power, incidents like the chemical fertilizer purchase case, the LC case, and the purchase of Prado and Pajero had brought the government into disrepute. [Archive] That form of 'criminalization' in parliamentary politics

UML had moved a no-confidence motion against Deuba twice in the 16 months since the government was formed. To avoid a no-confidence motion, incidents like buying and selling MPs, sending MPs abroad in the name of medical treatment, and kidnapping MPs with the involvement of the Home Minister were being made public. On the one hand, the opposition UML was forced to topple the government at any cost, RPP leader Chand had to become the Prime Minister, and MPs were signing a no-confidence motion against their own government to get a 'rich ministry'. Deuba's inner desire to remain the Prime Minister under any circumstances had led to a significant increase in the misuse of state resources. The incident of 5 ministers going abroad at once in the name of medical treatment on the day of the discussion on the no-confidence motion had complicated the question of ethics in politics. On the day of the vote, 14 MPs, including the ruling Congress and the RPP, were absent from parliament. UML was looking to take revenge.

The day after the second confidence motion failed, UML held a press conference and announced that it would remove Deuba from power by any means. It had announced that both the streets and the House would be used for that. After the no-confidence motion was rejected by the Parliament on 2053 Paush 9, the next day, i.e. on 11 Paush, UML held a press conference and raised ethical questions against Deuba and demanded his resignation. UML leaders had warned that if Deuba did not resign, they would remove him from the streets. In the vote on the no-confidence motion, 101 votes were cast in favor of the opposition and 84 in favor of the government. Based on that, UML challenged Deuba to resign or give a vote of confidence, saying that he was in a minority in Parliament.

When the situation became such that anything was justified to maintain power, protests also started from the civil level. Voices began to be raised that 'criminalization' had entered politics. Questions were especially raised about the role of parliamentarians. That is why discussions began to be held on the need to introduce a law on defection. Activities such as buying and selling parliamentarians, kidnapping them, and detaining them in hotels were seen as a challenge to 'criminalization' in politics. Citizen leaders and party leaders were concerned that the distortions and inconsistencies seen in the political sector were not giving the country the right direction.

In a discussion on 'Criminalization in Politics' organized in Kathmandu on 16 Poush 2053, party leaders and civil leaders said that the people were frustrated with the games being played for power and that questions had been raised about the parliamentary system. Some analyzed that such incidents, which occurred when the Maoists launched an armed movement with the slogan that the parliamentary system does not benefit the country and the people, gave additional strength to the movement.

Nepal Human Rights Organization President Hrishikesh Shah had said that the country was in turmoil after the 2046 People's Movement when the agreement between the Congress and the UML did whatever they wanted. He said, 'Even the cases pending in the court have been withdrawn by mutual agreement.' Adding to the context of the fact that the Congress, the UML and the courts have prevented parties from going to the polls even on illegitimate issues, he said that these two reasons have increased the distortion. UML General Secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal had opposed Shah's statement, saying that the distortion was also in the Rana and Panchayat. He had denied that the distortion had increased only in the multi-party system. However, he had opposed the activities that took place on the day of the voting on the no-confidence motion. He had said, targeting the Congress, 'It is a matter of concern that the Home Minister chartered a plane to take the opposition MPs.' The MPs have been detained. On the day of the vote on the no-confidence motion, RPP's Mirzadil Saad Beg, Sadbhavana Party's Anis Ansari, and Mazdoor Kisan Party's Bhakta Bahadur Rokaya were absent from parliament. UML had accused them of being kidnapped and sent abroad on the instructions of Home Minister Khum Bahadur Khadka.

General Secretary Nepal had demanded that the posts of such MPs be revoked, saying that if the no-confidence motion is brought again, there will be a buying and selling of MPs. Congress MP Surendra Prasad Chaudhary had said that giving false information is also a political crime. He had said that a culture of lying has developed and that it will affect the system itself. He had opined that the leaders who suddenly understand the essence of parliamentary affairs have not used their discretion. He was of the opinion that the need for a defection law has become apparent after the decline in the morals of MPs.

NEMKIPA Chairman Narayan Man Bijukchhe had said that his party was a victim of capitalist games. ‘Such incidents have exposed the game of the capitalist parliamentary system,’ he had said, ‘I have experienced that our party has also fallen victim to this dirty game.’

RPP Co-Chairman Rajeshwar Devkota had criticized his party’s MPs for going to Bangkok on the day of the no-confidence motion vote. He had said, ‘Who gave them tickets and expenses from the state treasury? Whom to blame?’ He said that in a parliamentary system, only the Speaker should be responsible, and Devkota had said that the Speaker alone had nothing to do with it as everyone would be in their own favor. In the same discussion, human rights leader Birendra Keshari Pokharel had opined that the system had been distorted because the defection law had not been introduced on time. Pokharel had said that even though there was no defection law in Britain, the party’s discipline had prevailed.

Political analysts and experts had opined that political criminals were flourishing in the parliamentary system due to the activities shown by the parties and their MPs. Kantipur Daily published a news report titled ‘Criminalization in Politics: Defection Law Has Increased’ on 17 Pus 2053, based on the discussion focused on issues including the unnatural character shown by lawmakers in the name of maintaining power, extreme misuse of state resources, and the opposition’s stance that the Prime Minister must be removed.

Presentation: Rishiram Paudyal  

Kantipur

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