CP Mainali, one of the leaders of the Jhapa movement, was opposed to the 'People's Multi-Party Democracy' (JBAZ) proposed by Madan Bhandari at the UML's fifth general convention held in Magh 2049.

During the Panchayat period, CP, who had been the general secretary of the All Nepal Communist Revolutionary Coordination Committee (ML) and the CPN-ML twice, had put forward a 'revised new democracy' as his proposal to replace Madan's theoretical document. After JABJ's theoretical proposal was passed by a large majority, the CP accepted the decision of the general convention. In the voting held at the general convention, Madan's proposal received 541 votes and CP's proposal received 101 votes. Mohan Chandra Adhikari's New Democracy received 55 votes and Raghuji Pant's Social Democracy received 1 vote. After the general convention, a 'two-pronged struggle' was seen in the UML between JABJ and New Democracy. But the supporters of the CP faction were numerically weak in the party. Therefore, the voice of CP also seemed weak. After Madan's death in the Dasdhunga accident, Madhav Kumar Nepal became the UML general secretary. After the mid-term elections of 2051, UML got the opportunity to take over the leadership of the government. In the cabinet of Prime Minister Manmohan Adhikari, who was leading the JABJ, Madhav Kumar Nepal was the Deputy Prime Minister and the New Democracy proponent CP was a minister. In the Communist Party, the proposal passed by the general convention must be accepted by everyone. That is, the custom of not publicly debating different opinions until the next general convention is held is still in place. But in the government, the differences in opinion between the JABJ and the New Democracy supporters led to differences in the decision-making process. In particular, the party's mainstream viewed the decisions made by the CP in his capacity as a minister with suspicion. Questions were raised about his 'performance'. Some leaders said that the CP ignored the instructions given by the party.

The CP was in a moral quandary after it started canceling or reversing some ministerial decisions taken by the CP in consultation with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.  The conflict situation came to light after the incident of the members of the Council of Ministers raising questions and creating difficulties in the CP's working style was made public.  Focusing on these issues, the Kantipur Daily interviewed Minister CP and revealed the issues of internal conflict within the party. 

During the interview conducted by journalist Bishwamani Pokharel, the CP admitted that there was internal conflict within the party and that it was affecting the decisions he made.  He said that his colleagues in the Council of Ministers could not understand the proposals he had put forward and the work he had done.  He himself was 'convinced' that despite trying to work, a comfortable environment could not be created. 

At that time, the UML government had given top priority to the Build Your Own Village (AgaAav) program. With the aim of making the program effective, CP had formed a monitoring committee. He had also formed a task force to improve prices and supply in the country. The monitoring committee and the task force were dissolved before they could function. CP, who was given the responsibility of the Ministry of Local Development and Supplies, had said during an interview, ‘As per the provisions in the directive, a central monitoring committee was formed under the chairmanship of the Minister for Local Development.’ CP had complained that the committee was dissolved even though it was formed with the consent of the Prime Minister. The monitoring committees were dismissed saying that they would increase government expenditure. CP had not given up on the stance that the monitoring committee was necessary to make AgaAav successful.

CP had said during an interview that he was unaware of why the monitoring committee was dissolved, saying, ‘Now is the time to utilize the money that went to the villages.’ There can be a lot of leakage and misuse during proper utilization. The need for the monitoring committee has increased. I don't understand why it was dissolved at such a time. The task force was formed by outside experts and ministry officials. The CP had said, "The task force had started studying the supply system of cement and milk. It had increased confidence among consumers. When its effect was good, it was dissolved, and a lot of damage was caused during the election."

Stating that such regulatory committees and task forces were formed within the purview of the Council of Ministers, he said during the conversation that those who decided to dissolve them cannot 'justify' that they should be dissolved. Don't you feel that the decision of the Council of Ministers has prevented you from working? In response to a question from Kantipur, he replied that his 'cabinet' colleagues did not understand. He had claimed that if the program that UML has prioritized cannot be properly implemented, it will not be considered a failure of CP, but a failure of the government. CP had said that if it is not allowed to work, it will not cause any harm to it. He had said that the government has not been able to work properly. Minister CP had stressed on its implementation, saying that a task force of the Ministry of Supplies was studying the work of opening fair-price shops, distributing ration cards, and pasting price lists. But some of the ministerial decisions he made and proposals put forward during discussions were rejected.

When asked by Kantipur whether the ideological differences between the Jabaj and New Democracy in UML had affected the work of the Council of Ministers, CP had said that it was an internal matter and that he would not discuss it at length. He had said, ‘This is an internal matter of the party, and I do not consider it appropriate to discuss it.’ He had argued that the CP’s position on the theoretical proposal of New Democracy that he had put forward at the Fifth Congress was appropriate and that the resolution passed by the majority should be accepted as a party member.

At that time, although Prime Minister Manmohan was seen as an honest leader, it was difficult to withstand the internal pressure of the party on him in the decision-making process. The CP’s argument was that General Secretary Nepal was interfering more in the decisions of the Council of Ministers, ‘It is not appropriate for me to discuss whether or not such a thing has happened in the Council of Ministers.’ Some leaders said that although the State Affairs Department in the structure of the Communist Party was powerful, the CP ignored it in the decision-making process, which led to the conflict. The opposition parties also used to say that the interference of the party’s State Affairs Department in the administration of the state was leading to a dual rule. In response to Kantipur's question, CP said, 'One of the reasons for dissolving the monitoring committee was that the party's state affairs department had not been given prior approval.' If this is the case, we can guess how the work has been carried out.'

He said that since it is a party-system government, the party should guide the government. He had said that if the limits of authority are not set, it will be difficult to work if it starts poking its nose everywhere. He had said that if the powers are unlimited, no matter how sacred they are, they will cause damage. He had put forward the argument that it was not necessary to call a special session of Parliament. He had admitted that the facts of the Dasdhunga accident have not been confirmed even though the UML is in the government, saying that the underlying mystery of Dasdhunga has not been revealed. When asked whether the Tanakpur Accord, which was strongly raised on the streets and in the House while in opposition, was not finalized and turned to you, CP's answer was, 'The previous government did not want to correct its mistakes. The weapons of Tanakpur have turned not towards itself but towards the opposition (Congress).'

Arguing that there was no difference between Girija Prasad recommending a mid-term and what Manmohan is doing now, CP was confident that the election would not be stopped even though the issue of restoring the parliament was pending in the court. Stating that the announcement of the mid-term elections was political but not legal, the Election Commission had said that the government's work should not be restricted on a daily basis.

The impact of the two ideological trends seen in the UML since the fifth general convention on the operation of the government, should the party run the government or should the Prime Minister run it? The general convention focused on issues such as the internal civil war in the UML, and an interview conducted 30 years ago with UML leader, proponent of New Democracy, and then-minister CP was published by Kantipur Daily on 16 Asad 2052 under the title "If power is unlimited, it will cause harm".

CP, who served as the general secretary of the Communist Party twice, including the Coordination Committee and the CPN-MALE, and played the role of the leader of the Jhapa movement in 2028, is no longer in the UML. UML split in 2054 Falgun after differences of opinion over the Mahakali Treaty. After the split, the CPN-MALE party was formed with Sahana Pradhan as the president and Bamdev Gautam as the general secretary. At that time, CP was in the MALE. After the merger of the MALE and the UML in 2058 Falgun, CP did not return to his old place. He is currently the general secretary of the MALE party.