The Congress is currently embroiled in conflict after the establishment did not call a special general convention despite a demand signed by 54 percent of the general convention delegates. The second special general convention is starting from Sunday under the initiative of the general secretaries. However, the president and leaders supporting him have challenged its legitimacy.

The question is what the special general convention will do and what will be the role of the leaders of the chairman's side. In this context, a conversation between leader  Gururaj Ghimire and  Kulchandra Neupane and  Rajesh Mishra for Kantipur: 

How are the preparations for the special general convention going and how many delegates will be present?

All arrangements like hall, decoration, stage management, hotels for accommodation, food and drinks, volunteers, cards, bags have been completed. As per our expectation, the participation of the general convention delegates will be more than two-thirds, and the possibility is also close to that. The number of attendees is continuing. 

Initiatives are being taken that the party chairman should address the special general convention. Will the entire Congress take ownership of it?

This is the main responsibility of the chairman. The primary responsibility of keeping the party united lies with the chairman. There are differences of opinion, diversity of views and disputes within the party, and the main responsibility for managing them lies with the chairman. The current voice is that the party should be transformed in line with the times. The aim is to present the party strongly in the 21 Falgun elections and get results. The issues raised after the Gen-G rebellion are for the benefit of the party, not for any factional or personal interests.

They are related to policy, leadership, amendment of the statute, political review of the country and future course of action. This is not focused on any individual or faction. Among the participants in the special general convention, there are those who voted for Shekhar Koirala and Sher Bahadur Deuba yesterday. There are others as well. The special general convention was organized by rising above the traditional factions. Therefore, to keep the party united, the chairman came to the hall and only gave me the task, now I have left the leadership, we believe that you will address me together and choose a new leadership. 

After the chairman resigns from the leadership, can we go to the elections under the leadership of the acting chairman or will we choose a new leadership?

There is no justification for the gathering without a change in leadership. I have repeatedly said that the central committee can call a meeting of district chairmen, and a date can be set for discussion. The central committee itself is sufficient for making policies. But a general convention is needed to change the leadership, and even the general committee cannot. This special general convention has been called to discuss and decide on policy issues, statutes, and structural changes, including a leadership change.

Is there a plan to change only the party leadership or elect the entire central working committee?

Even though a special general convention is called according to Article 17 (2) of the statute, it is like a regular general convention. Whatever the regular general convention does, the special general convention will also do the same. The special general convention has been called in view of the developments in Nepal's politics on 23-24 Bhadra, the need for leadership changes, and policy review. It will not only elect the leadership, but also the entire central working committee (in all clusters).

So when will the election process begin?

The special general convention will be inaugurated on 27 Poush. On 28th Poush, policy discussions and statute discussions will be held in a closed session. Discussions will be held by dividing the groups. The leadership selection process may go on until 29th Poush. 

The establishment party has decided that there is no justification for a special general convention through the Central Working Committee. If a central working committee is selected, disputes and legal complications will arise later. Won't that affect the nomination of 6th Magh and the election of 21st Falgun?

The decision to call the special general convention inappropriate is against the statute. There is no central committee above the statute. We have demanded by drawing on the provisions of the statute. This general convention is being organized at the call of both general secretaries, its justification has been established. The arrogance of the establishment party's majority has caused the problem. The responsibility of the central committee is not only to extend its term, but also to address problems within the party.

If it had been addressed on time, we would have already joined the election today. This may have affected the nomination of 6th Magh and the election of 21st Falgun to some extent, but there will be no problem after the Election Commission has approved the leadership change made at the special general convention. Even if it goes to court, there is confidence that a decision will be made quickly considering the seriousness of the matter.

But General Secretaries Gagan Thapa and Bishwaprakash Sharma seem a little confused as to whether doing so on the eve of the election will send an even worse message. Is there no other option for a leadership change other than the election?

There could have been many other options, if the Central Working Committee had paid attention to it in time. If they had discussed it. But they adopted the arrogant psychology of shunning, avoiding, and extending the term. Now there is no option. A leadership change is the only way out. If the President himself comes and says that I will leave the leadership, now we will all be together. Otherwise, the leadership will change, the Election Commission will legally recognize it. There is no need to go to court, the problem will be solved. There is no option now except a leadership change.

It is also being said that an option could be for the President to resign and give full authority to the acting President Purna Bahadur Khadka. Have you thought about it?

We have not discussed that now. If the party goes that way, we will discuss what to do.

After the Gen-G movement, you are raising the issue of completely transforming the Congress not only in leadership but also in policies and programs. What are such policies?

Let's call it the Gen-G movement or rebellion. It has both good and dark sides. The good thing is that it has raised the issue of controlling corruption, good governance, and a secure and safe future for the new generation. Basically, it is the responsibility of political parties to ensure the educational, economic, and political future of Nepali youth and teenagers, and the protection of public rights. After freeing the country from the current chaos, lack of policy, instability, corruption, and misrule, the country will move forward. We should work by keeping all these things at the center.

What kind of programs are you bringing to attract young teenagers?

We are writing about that. We are trying to make a plan to work in the field of good governance. We are making arrangements so that one person cannot remain in leadership for a long time. We are making arrangements to prevent the Prime Minister from taking the oath for the third time after taking the oath twice. There is a loud voice within the party that the same person should not be given the opportunity repeatedly. We will address that. General Secretary Bishwaprakashji has brought the formula of one, two, three, four (President once, Prime Minister twice, Minister three times and MP four times). Such practices have also ended in the world.

Such practices exist in countries with prosperous democracies. Basically, this issue also falls under the ambit. The bureaucracy should be streamlined. Service delivery should be expedited. The increasing corruption in bureaucracy and politics should be completely controlled. If this is done, the means and resources of the state will be utilized properly. The people will not be exploited. Public trust in the state and the government will increase. There is no public trust now. There is no faith that the government will do good.

There is no faith that the state is our guardian. Citizens living on the margins do not believe that the state is theirs and that the state will protect them when they face a disaster. Teenagers are going abroad to seek their future. All this has happened due to distrust of the state. Those who have been running the party and the country for these 36 years, who are now talking big things in the context of our special general convention, have already lost their ground. They have no right to talk big. 

Will the agenda of constitutional amendment also be included in the policies and programs presented at the special general convention?

Let's see how much we can do, how much we can afford. But it is impossible not to mention it. How much is its full details and explanatory matter possible now? The constitution itself is a changing document. It is not a religious scripture. It should be updated from time to time according to the needs of the time, national needs and the needs of the citizens. It should be amended again and again. Questions have also been raised about this constitution.

The biggest question has been raised from the Terai-Madhesh. The indigenous people, the Dalits, the Madhesis, the farmers, the workers, everyone has sought a constitution in which they see their place as safe. But the main condition for that is 'national integration'. We can amend it while keeping national unity and integrity intact. This constitution is so flexible that it can change the system. If two-thirds come, the political system can change.

The current state system is chaotic, the federal structure, the provincial structure needs to be improved, and we can move forward by amending all of them. We try to address all the issues that have arisen from the civil level, from the geographical area, from the political area. It also depends on how much time is available. We should focus on the nomination of 6 Magh and the election of 21 Falgun. We will do as much work as we can amidst this pressure and pressure. We try to address the problems that have arisen from all those areas.

When going to the election, how do you show the general voters where we have changed?

Basically, you want to show two issues. After two issues are changed, the message that there has been a major change is sent. One, the leadership must be changed. That is the primary and main condition. The agenda that is brought without changing the leadership does not really make sense. The other is to establish the Congress in its own heartland. It is to protect the originality and identity of the Congress and make it stand on its own feet. It is to make it contest elections alone. It is to accept the issue of winning or losing elections alone. It is to transform the Congress.

It is to ensure that it separates itself from the ongoing cycle of sometimes aligning with one communist party, sometimes with another. Even looking at international contexts, such alliance politics have caused great damage to the prestigious old political parties. The policy of the alliance – contesting elections together – is not right. This path is wrong. The special general convention clearly states this. We violated the commitment and resolution that the Mahasamiti had made that we would not form an alliance in any election now.

We went on forming alliances from social sector elections to college student union elections. We went to the first democratic party government under the leadership and under the leadership of the second largest communist party. Even surprising world politics, we made such an equation in parliament. This is a strange event in world politics.

Congress should be freed from all these vicious cycles and established on its own soil with its own identity and originality. By doing so, a large democratic public opinion will be attracted to the Congress. The Gen-G generation will also be reassured by the decision taken by the Congress at its special general convention. The new generation will also be reassured. A large public opinion will be drawn to the Congress. A large number of new friends will enter. A large public opinion that has been confused by not getting its turn in politics will enter. 

You have already talked about changing the leadership. Who is this special general convention making the president?

There are still many options and dimensions regarding this. For example, what to do if Sher Bahadur Dai comes may be one thing. What to do if Sher Bahadur Dai, Shekhar Dai, Purna Bahadur Khadka all come to the general convention and take ownership may be another option. Another option may be if none of them come and we have to do it ourselves. We are open on this issue. We have not entered into the issue of who will be in the leadership right now. We will finally pay attention to that after the inauguration ceremony of the special general convention is over.

Shekhar Koirala said that if the regular general convention is not held within Mangsir 2082, then a special general convention will be held. However, now he has abandoned all the agendas and has become involved in the establishment side. How have you taken this?

He had also carried the idea of ​​the special general convention a little. He also acted as a mediator to reconcile things a little. 12/13 of us who are in favor of the general convention went and talked yesterday (Friday) evening. You are playing the role of mediator, right. But, 'You said the regular general convention will be held within Mangsir, and it did not happen within Poush either. If the regular general convention is not held within Mangsir, you had said that I will stand in favor of the special general convention, but why could you not stand today? You fulfill your commitment,' we told him. Bring Sher Bahadur Deuba to the special general convention. Bring the acting president. You come. Let's make the general convention a success, not just for us, but for all of us, especially as an organization of the Central Committee. We have said, 'If they don't come, fulfill your promise, come to the general convention.'