The initial message given to society by the street protests that began under the call of ‘Gen-G’ and the scenario that developed thereafter is that a large part of the Nepali population, which is dominated by youth, is now completely convinced of the old political culture and working style. A large part of this generation, connected to the digital world, has rapid access to information, including material progress happening in the world, but does not see a normal opportunity and place for itself within the country. From the Gen-G protests of Bhadra 23-24 and the ‘people’s outcry’ to the ‘people’s wave’ seen in the elections held last Falgun, it is the culmination of decades of protests and rebellions.

The fundamental character of Nepali politics after 2046 was the conflict between the tendency to bring state power to the masses and to keep it within a limited circle. The people’s movement of 2062-63, which took place at the height of the decade-long Maoist insurgency, and the subsequent transition period, addressed historical structural problems such as poverty, social exclusion, and unequal distribution of state power.

The devastating earthquake of 2072 proved to be another major turning point in the modern history of Nepal. It exposed the political and administrative structure of the state, which was already hollow from within. The slowness and incompetence seen in the relief and reconstruction after the earthquake further reduced the public's trust in the state. The constitution-making process, which had been pushed back for almost ten years due to limited party interests and disputes, gained new life in the political environment created after the earthquake. Ultimately, the constitution was issued in a hasty 'fast-track' manner without bringing the important debate on progressive state restructuring to a logical conclusion.

The state must now accept that the old style of governance cannot meet the expectations of the new generation. For real reform, federalism must be implemented according to its original meaning, so that the real deposit of state power and resources can be made. And, the belonging of groups that have been historically and socially excluded must be ensured. It will be inevitable to bring about qualitative changes in service delivery by making public administration technology-friendly, transparent and equitable. Meanwhile, the COVID-19 pandemic dealt a multifaceted blow to Nepal's social and economic structure. The helplessness of the state machinery, widespread irregularities, and the weakness of the overall health sector, reflected in the weak response, made the common citizen more frustrated and angry. The problem of unemployment became even more acute after COVID. Small businesses collapsed. The exodus of millions of youth abroad has reached its peak.

However, Nepal has not been far from the global digital transformation that has spread amid this crisis. The young generation, which has become a large part of the population due to its inability to organize physically, has made social media the main means of expression. New media and digital platforms have broken the monopoly of traditional media in the production and consumption of information. The new generation, awakened by online platforms, had started to organize and strongly and continuously question the political parties and their regimes stuck in ancient traditions from all over the world.

Basically, the protests and riots of Bhadra 23-24 were an explosion of this technology and collective anger accumulated over years. The youth who took to the streets were a large section of citizens tired of unemployment and the insensitivity of the political leadership.

These developments have also made it clear that the people cannot be forgotten by assurances alone. However, Nepal's political class could not or did not want to understand the profound changes taking place in its own society. It assessed that the people could be controlled as usual. However, with the expansion of technology and global awareness, perhaps the Nepali youth generation has now reached a point where it will not compromise on the demand for world-class facilities, opportunities and good governance. Today's Nepali youth generation is thinking in a global context. It is seeing the outside world, comparing and questioning. Why is Nepal still stuck in the same cycle? This gap between unequal perceptions and expectations has also become a major source of resentment.

Today's situation is complex. Where the country turns from here will depend on the decisions taken by the state's major institutions and the new political leadership. One possibility is the re-centralization of power in the old structure, where there is an attempt to limit the voice of the people under the guise of law and procedure. Such a path is sure to sow the seeds of a greater rebellion in the long run in a complex society like Nepal. Another possibility is to temporarily stave off mass discontent through superficial reforms. However, for the long-term interests of Nepal, what is necessary is a real transformation that can be achieved through institutional reforms.

The state must now accept that the old style of governance cannot meet the expectations of the new generation. For real reform, federalism must be implemented according to its original meaning, so that state power and resources can be truly invested. And, ensure the belonging of groups that have been historically and socially excluded. It will be inevitable to bring about qualitative changes in service delivery by making public administration technology-friendly, transparent and equitable.

Political parties should also strengthen internal democracy and bring new and capable youth into leadership. The future political culture cannot be limited to speeches and commentary. It must provide a clear and practical roadmap for economic development, job creation and expansion of equitable opportunities.