During his election campaign, Balendra Shah, who was presented as a future candidate for Prime Minister at a gathering in the Far West, had said – ‘Whether tied to a tree or sleeping on the street or in jail, why not . Development must happen . Whatever it may be .’ There was thunderous applause . Citing the example of protecting indigenous civilization when he was the mayor of Kathmandu, he had said that he would promote Khas culture and traditions in Karnali. 

Promoting indigenous civilization and rapid development at any cost can be successful if implemented with sufficient preparation . Which will benefit many communities seeking economic opportunities . However, these plans are contradictory in themselves . Be it the Upper Tamakoshi Hydropower Project in Bozheni or the Cable Car Project in Mukkumlung – such a contradiction has already been seen . Because, the plan made in Kathmandu may ignore the indigenous people’s own definition of development . 

Last year, clashes in Mukkumlung lasted for months. Indigenous communities had been protesting in all parts of eastern Nepal, and the government cracked down hard. The police’s use of force against locals protesting against the hydropower transmission center in Bozhini alarmed international human rights organizations.

Eventually, the state forcibly proceeded with the construction of the project. As a result, many families have been forced to live with the risks posed by the high-voltage transmission center. The Supreme Court ruled on such cases two years ago after nearly a decade of legal battles. The Supreme Court has ordered the drafting of laws in line with ILO Convention 169 (relating to tribal rights) and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

We need a large number of jobs to advance our ambitious economic agenda of creating a trillion-dollar economy. For this, tens of thousands of megawatts of electricity supply and a clear strategic plan are also essential.

Such clear plans remove policy ambiguity in the global financial market and create a stable investment environment for development partners.

Although not in line with tradition, having a majority of those working in Kathmandu is the first step.

We need to constantly ask questions and seek answers about how our plan is progressing. It is important to understand what kind of answers we need. Who benefits from such development? And, are there no Lakshman Rekhas? It is important to understand.

The current stance of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) on the indigenous philosophy is only limited.

This strategic ambition can help in a popular election campaign. It is possible to say ‘whatever happens’ by prioritizing development. However, leading a country is much more difficult than leading a single election campaign. It was easy to link Pathibhara to Mukkumlung in the election campaign. However, now it is necessary to decide to maintain a balance between Mukkumlung's performance and Kathmandu's economic interests. If not addressed in time, the conflict between the indigenous community and the Nepal government will continue.

Different understandings of land lead to such conflicts.

For an economic segment living in Kathmandu, the religious hill of far-eastern Taplejung is just a natural and cultural resource that can be converted into economic projects like cable cars.

Such projects increase employment for locals and government revenue. In this way, there is no harm in such projects.

But in the eyes of the indigenous Yakthungs of the same region, the same hill is the center of their history and a safe common civilization within the world. For them, the importance of this land is much higher than the natural resources that can be used in the name of development.

This is a living historical entity, which claims indigenous sovereignty . It demands the right to survive within a shared development perspective .

The common goal of conserving nature and culture has addressed the interests of indigenous communities and the aspirations of the state simultaneously in every period of history . 

Such a common understanding has been established in Nepal in the past through the establishment of a national park in Chitwan or a cultural zone in Bhaktapur . Such understandings that have existed in some parts of the country cannot be ignored elsewhere . 

The state can certainly impose its own definition of development whenever it wants . 

The state has always had a monopoly on legitimate violence and that comes through weapons like sticks or guns . It has been used without hesitation in the past . 

But history shows that the land and its indigenous people never surrender their existence without a struggle . The response to the strong and violent intervention of the state apparatus is often the same organized indigenous resistance.

Nowadays, development partners are naturally alert when news of violations of indigenous human rights comes from any corner of the world. Development partners like the World Bank, ADB or IMF should stay away from such controversial projects and in most cases have stayed away.

There is great hope in the air in Nepal these days. It is the right of Gen-G to celebrate the failure of the old leadership. However, at this time, there is also the question of whether we are all watching a new movie or watching young actors act in an old movie. It would be premature to comment on that.

In an active democracy, a new political culture of honesty and forward-looking debate are essential. We all have to decide together where our society wants to go. Such debates cannot exist amidst pressure or illegal threats of violence.