Public memory is inherently short-lived. Moreover, when forgetting is accepted as a means of getting rid of excruciating pain, the tendency to forget becomes more intense and natural. However, due to this instability of collective memory, it is necessary to keep reminding some issues repeatedly to prevent the dignity of the context from disappearing.

It becomes inevitable to keep jolting the short-lived memory of the public from time to time. The people's revolution of 1951 ended the Rana dynasty. The royal-military 'coup' of 1960 turned the chariot of history in the opposite direction and established an absolute monarchy. The parliamentary system was restored in 1990. The republic emerged in 2008. After 2015, ethnic majoritarianism was institutionalized in the name of the Federal Democratic Republic.

It is natural for the victorious political party to feel the mania of victory. It is not unusual for the political parties that have been running the government alternately for almost 35 years and are considered the three main ones to feel the pain of defeat. By 2025, the encroachment of the 'three political tyrants' had become unbearable. It is also true that the uprising of young people on 8-9 September 2025 gave voice to the deep dissatisfaction that had grown among the common people. The fact that there was a planned attack on the Parliament House cannot be denied. The fact that 19 people died due to the incompetence of the police and administration cannot be denied either. Hundreds of buildings were set on fire across the country, dozens of civilians died, police were beaten to death, weapons were looted, and prisons were broken into in several places, including the capital. Moreover, the arson attacks on the four major centers of the state - the President's House, the Parliament House, the Federal Secretariat, and the Supreme Court, along with the country's major media groups, further exposed the seriousness of the situation. 

While such state-coup-like events were taking place, the Nepali Army remained silent. However, the initiative of the army to legitimize the Green Belt rebellion was noticeable. After the then Prime Minister Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli resigned under compelling circumstances, it was publicly seen that the Nepali Army was involved in the process of forming a new executive. After that, the date is approaching when the non-constitutional government selected by the 'Discord chatroom', approved by the then 'Mayor' of Kathmandu, presented by the Chief of Army Staff and directly appointed by the Supreme Commander of the Nepali Army will hold elections and hand over the responsibility of the country to the proposed Prime Minister and senior leader of the National Independent Party, Balendra Shah.

It is natural for the victorious political parties to be hysterical about victory. It is not unusual for the three major political parties, which have been running the government in turn for almost 35 years, to feel the pain of defeat. The most surprising thing can be seen in the reaction of Madhesh-dependent politicians. They cannot laugh because their presence in the House of Representatives has become zero. It is shameful to cry because they had rushed to participate in the elections without even raising any questions about the formation, process and nature of the non-constitutional government. Now, they want to put the burden of the identity, respect and self-governance of the Madhesh and Madhesis on the head of the non-resident Madhesh Balendra Shah.

Wishing Shah, a senior leader of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the Federal Democratic Front has said – ‘We express our confidence that the issues of constitutional amendment, delimitation changes, representation based on population, publicizing the Lal Commission report, and further strengthening federalism will be addressed by institutionalizing the achievements achieved through the struggle and sacrifices of the Nepali people over a long period of time.’ What is noteworthy is that the politicians of the front, who understood the mood of the winner, have hesitated to use the words Madhesh or Madhesi directly and have talked about the struggle of all Nepali people. The achievement of the struggle of the Nepali people is also secularism. They have not even been able to muster the courage to pronounce that word. Of course, it is the ‘Nepali people’ who disagree with concepts like republic, federalism and inclusiveness. Even the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) itself seemed to be publicly dissatisfied with the limited achievements of the Madhesh movement until a few months ago.

Gagan Thapa, who took over the Nepali Congress Party through an internal rebellion as the hope of the youth, has been covered in silence. In such a situation, it is not so natural for Madhesh-dependent politicians to be worried.  It is the default tendency of a subordinate community to follow the winner and avoid it. The front, whose struggle has ended, must have gladly accepted the compulsion to survive. Hindi-Urdu poet and lyricist Kaifi Azmi's ghazal 'Tum Itna Jo Muskura Rahe Ho' has been made a hit by the voice of singer Jagjit Singh. There is a line in that ghazal – ‘Ban jayenge jahar pite pite, ye ashk jo pite ja rahe ho.’ The semantic meaning of that statement could be like this – ‘These tears that you are suppressing inside, as you drink them slowly, these tears will become poison for you.’ Perhaps this is how Balen Shah, the beloved rapper of the urban youth, expressed that sentiment in this way – ‘Tears are drinking inside, poison is forming in the heart, there is a mask of smile but inside is a scene of sorrow, pain that has been suppressed, it is stinking and rotting, speech is today, otherwise you will go crazy and disappear.’ 

In a hypocritical society that cheers for the winner and pities for the loser, yesterday’s omniscient Sharma Oli has reached a point where he has to weigh his expressions. Gagan Thapa, who took over the Nepali Congress Party through an internal rebellion, claiming to be the hope of the youth, has been shrouded in silence. In such a situation, it is not unusual for Madhesh-dependent politicians to be worried. The only worry is that the non-resident Madhesh-led government may indirectly adopt Khas-Aryan ethnicity as an anti-Madhesh shield in order to prove its nationalist relevance and legitimacy by saying that ‘new Muslims should pray nine times’.

In democratic practice, according to the widely held belief that ‘voting is also a mandate’, the winner who gains the trust of the majority automatically gets the benefit of the doubt. Along with the expectation that the leaders of the majority party will not violate the limits of political decency, expectations such as public morality, respect for the opposition, adherence to the constitution, and clean conduct are also linked to the leadership. Clean conduct does not only mean not getting involved in any major scandal, but also going around campaigning in the expensive car of a donor is a deviation from habits and behavior. It can also be assumed that it is in the interest of established politicians to follow the original law after their implications are proven by violating the provisions of the constitution.

Since the opposition in the newly elected House of Representatives is small, what they expect is only respect rather than hearing. The most complex issue is that of public morality. In the Mahabharata, Dharmaraja Yudhishthira has explained the path of religion. He says – ‘There is no end to arguments, one argument can be cut by another argument. There are many religious texts and they can speak differently. There is no such sage or scholar whose opinion does not conflict with another. Therefore, the real secret of religion or truth is very deep and complex, like hidden in a cave.’ And, he instructs the common people – ‘Mahajano yen gata sa pantha’ i.e. the path that great people walked is the right path. Since the greatness of the ‘great’ people of Nepal was achieved only by exceeding the standards of public morality, it may have been difficult to institutionalize democratic culture.

Governance dignity

If we take the proportional vote as the basis, about 60 percent of the total voters in Nepal voted, and out of that, 47.8 percent of the votes went to the National Independent Party. In that sense, the size of the actual mandate of the RSVP is only about 29 percent. However, the majority arithmetic of democracy has created a situation where the winning party that gets less than one-third of the valid votes is elected by almost two-thirds of the members in the House of Representatives, creating a relatively unimpeded government.

Although the proverb that ‘night is night, dawn breaks’ remains relevant in Nepal, judging by the current situation, it seems certain that the proposed Chief Executive, Balendra Shah, who is awaiting coronation, will be the ‘elected king’. Therefore, the line of those who give him unsolicited advice has stretched from the market to the United States. Most of the advice conveyed through public media is related to the operation of the work. He probably does not need such advice. There are experts, specialists and scholars within the RSVP ranks. The aura of an elected king naturally attracts talents from home and abroad.

The executive branch of a country like Nepal is also compelled to remain free from the practical requests and policy directives of the chief bilateral and international organizations. On top of that, the elected king will have his own predetermined priorities and agenda. Those who are eager to give him action-oriented advice need not rush. It is appropriate to give a warning about performing the royal duty before starting the work.

The state should be run according to religion, that is, it can only be ruled within rules, dignity, and institutional boundaries. Ruling based on arbitrary decisions and momentary impulses ultimately turns into chaos.  It has been said that the Mahabharata is the ‘Fifth Veda’, stating that ‘what is not in the Mahabharata, is nowhere in the world.’ Whether hereditary or elected, the royal duty that a ‘king’ must follow to run the state has been explained in a very practical way by Dharmaraja Yudhishthira. The story of running a state is not always told as a story of the use of power and display of splendor. The palace, army, flag and vehicles – all these show the brilliance of power. But the real basis for maintaining the state is not only what appears. The state is ultimately a moral structure, the backbone of which is public conduct and responsibility. 

Therefore, when discussing royal religion, the security of the citizens comes before the throne - that is, the life and property of the citizens comes first. In a democracy, the first responsibility of the state is to protect the people. Where the citizens do not feel safe, the state remains in name only. In a fearful society, the talk of development is meaningless. The legitimacy of the state is shattered due to the lack of security. The helplessness of the police force, which failed to protect its structure, weapons, and even its own lives, must be remembered. The fate of the fire engines that could not get out when public and private property were set on fire cannot be forgotten. The plight of the soldiers who hid in the barracks when all parts of the state were attacked simultaneously in the heart of the capital will be recorded in history. It would be appropriate for the elected king of a powerless state to assimilate the childlike truth before donning his new attire.

After public security, ensuring justice is the second most important component of royal dharma. A state without justice turns into chaos, but unjust punishment makes the state itself a criminal. Punishment is necessary, but the use of punishment must be judicious and impartial. When law becomes an instrument of power, the meaning of justice begins to disappear. The state should be run according to religion, that is, it can be ruled only within rules, dignity, and institutional boundaries. Arbitrary decisions and a rule based on momentary impulses ultimately transform into chaos. Some of the statements and decisions made by the new king as the mayor of the capital seemed to be guided by impulses rather than conscience. What sustains the state is not only the legal structure, but also a moral commitment to it.

Yudhishthira says that the fourth foundation of the state is the welfare of the people. If the life of the people is becoming difficult as the splendor of power increases, that prosperity is just an illusion. सर्वज्ञानी शर्मा ओलीले ठड्याउन लगाएका सेतो स्तम्भ, विशाल भवन एवं भव्य सभागृहहरू उनको शासकीय अपदान भएर सामान्यजनलाई जिस्काइरहनेछन् । राज्य सफल तब मानिन्छ जब सामान्य नागरिकको जीवन सहज हुन्छ । जनताको पीडाबाट टाढिएको सत्ता अन्ततः आफ्नै एकान्तमा कैद हुन पुग्छ । सत्तापलट वा क्रान्तिबाट नायक बनेकाहरूका लागि पाँचौं आधार सायद सबभन्दा महत्त्वपूर्ण हुन्छ र त्यो हो– शासकको आत्मसंयम । लोभ, क्रोध र अहंकारले ग्रस्त नेतृत्वले राज्यलाई विवेकपूर्ण दिशामा लैजान सक्दैन । सार्वजनिक पद व्यक्तिगत इच्छाको पूर्ति गर्ने माध्यम होइन । त्यो जिम्मेवारी हो, जसलाई संयम र मर्यादाले मात्र टिकाइराख्न सकिन्छ ।

उत्तरदायित्व र पारदर्शिताबेगर कार्यसम्पादनको वैधानिकता कायम राख्न सकिँदैन । लोभ, लालच वा दबाबमा नपरी आफ्नो कर्तव्य इमानदारीपूर्वक पालन गर्नु नै शासकीय सत्यनिष्ठा हो ।  सबभन्दा प्रमुख कुरा के हो भने शासक जति नै सक्षम भए पनि विद्वान्, बुद्धिमान र विवेकशील व्यक्तिहरूको राय सुन्न खुला हुनुपर्दछ । एक व्यक्तिको बुद्धि जतिसुकै प्रखर किन नहोस्, राज्य सञ्चालन एकल निर्णयको अभ्यास होइन । योग्य सल्लाहकार र खुला विमर्शबिना सत्ता आफ्नै भ्रमको बन्दी बन्न पुग्छ । विभिन्न दलहरूको लाभग्राही हुँदै राजावादी आन्दोलनको नेतृत्व गर्न पुगेका तथाकथित ‘नेपाल ऋषि’ जगमान गुरुङजस्ताको प्रशस्तिले फुर्काउन त सक्छ, सचेत गर्न सक्दैन । प्रियतावादले वाहवाही पाइए पनि जनहितमा कठोर निर्णय लिन सक्ने आँटबेगर सफल सत्ता सञ्चालन सम्भव हुँदैन । पद, पारितोषिक र सम्मानसँग निरपेक्ष साधु प्रवृत्तिका सल्लाहकारको पहिचान सम्भवतः नयाँ राजाका लागि सबभन्दा कठिन चुनौती हुनेछ । 

राजधर्म कुनै प्राचीन अवधारणा मात्र होइन । यो सार्वजनिक नैतिकताको जीवित मापदण्ड हो । नागरिकको सुरक्षा, न्यायको प्रतिष्ठा, नियमको मर्यादा, जनकल्याणको लक्ष्य, नेतृत्वको संयम र सामूहिक बुद्धिको प्रयोग एकअर्कासँग गाँसिएका हुन्छन् । यी आधारहरू कमजोर हुँदा राज्यको बाहिरी चमक जति भए पनि त्यसको भित्री आधार भने चर्किन थाल्छ ।

धर्मराज युधिष्ठिरका यिनै निर्देशहरूलाई समसामयिक अध्येताहरूले ‘सार्वजनिक मर्यादा’ भनेका छन् । जस्तो कि सार्वजनिक पदमा बसेको व्यक्तिले कुनै पनि निर्णय गर्दा आफ्नो परिवार, नातागोता वा व्यक्तिगत फाइदालाई नहेरी आमजनताको हितलाई प्राथमिकता दिनुपर्छ । उत्तरदायित्व र पारदर्शिताबेगर कार्यसम्पादनको वैधानिकता कायम राख्न सकिँदैन ।

लोभ, लालच वा दबाबमा नपरी आफ्नो कर्तव्य इमानदारीपूर्वक पालन गर्नु नै शासकीय सत्यनिष्ठा हो । समाजमा न्याय, समानता र सदाचार कायम राख्नका लागि शासकको जीवनशैली उदाहरणीय हुन सक्नुपर्छ । ठूला काम आँट्न अपेक्षाकृत सजिलो हुन्छ, स–साना चारित्रिक शुचिता कायम राख्न नेपालका कमै मात्र शासक सफल ठहरिएका छन् ।

ऊर्जाहीन विपक्ष

कुरा कमजोर मतादेशको मात्रै होइन, सन् २०१५ देखि मनलागी गर्दै आएका ‘तीन तिकडमबाज’ राजनीतिकर्मीहरूले गर्दा कांग्रेस, एमाले र माओवादीजस्ता एकताकाका तगडा दलहरूले सामान्यजनको ‘मनादेश’ गुमाएका छन् । रास्वपालाई सल्लाह दिन हतारिएका विज्ञ र विशेषज्ञहरूले आ–आफ्नो विज्ञता र विशिष्टता विपक्षलाई क्षमतावान् बनाउन खर्चिनु समयोचित हुनेछ । उपदेशकहरूको अन्तर्दृष्टिले सत्तालाई उत्तरदायी बनाउने भूमिकामा रहेका विपक्षी दलहरूको आत्मबललाई पुनर्जागृत गर्न सक्यो भने अहिलेलाई त्योभन्दा महत्त्वपूर्ण योगदान अरू केही हुन सक्ने छैन । प्रजातन्त्रलाई जीवन्त राख्ने नै संयमित तर क्रियाशील विपक्षले हो । केही सुझाव भने अविज्ञ स्तम्भकारको पनि मननयोग्य ठहरिन सक्छन् ।

आय प्रवर्ग वा उमेर समूहले गर्दा मात्र होइन, सत्ताधारी दलका अधिकांश सांसद सामान्यजनभन्दा नितान्त फरक देखिन्छन् । हलो वा ट्र्याक्टरले खेत जोतेका, कोदालो चलाएका, गोठ सम्हालेका, हँसिया–हथौडा घुमाएका र तराजु समातेका भन्दा पनि सेतो कमिज र स्पोटर््स जुत्ता लगाएर स्मार्टफोन खेलाउन खप्पिस नव–मध्यमवर्गका युवाहरूमा जरासँग जोडिने तन्तुहरू कमजोर हुन सक्छन् । नव–धनाढ्यहरूको हालीमुहाली रहे तापनि भुइँस्तरमा पुराना पार्टीका कार्यकर्ताहरूको उपस्थिति कमजोर छैन ।