Balen on the path of opportunity and trial by fire

In this election, Nepalis had to choose between two parties - the reformed Congress led by Gagan-Bishwaprakash and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) led by Balen-Ravi. This choice, while seemingly easy due to the distaste for the old party, was, in fact, as complex as it was.

Falgun 26, 2082

Pramod Mishra

Balen on the path of opportunity and trial by fire

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The election results have further strengthened the belief that democracy has taken root in Nepal. But the Congress-Communist parties, which brought democracy to Nepal, have been defeated. Because they have introduced many vices that have been present in party politics since the restoration of democracy in 2046. They became arrogant. They did not listen to the voices of the media, intellectuals, citizens and the people.

The people were looking for an alternative and they saw that alternative in Kathmandu Mayor Balendra Shah and the National Independent Party and made him win with a huge majority. For us Nepalis living in the country and abroad who are suffocating, it has become a little easier to breathe and at the same time a little hope has arisen for the future of Nepal. 

Nepali voters have made it clear in this election that the Balen-led RSVP government can uproot the roots of corruption and provide good governance to the Nepali people. This can further strengthen the republic, federalism, inclusiveness and the distance between religion and statehood enshrined in the constitution. This party and its leaders have a diplomatic understanding and grasp of global geopolitics, neighboring geopolitics. This party and its leaders also have a vision to take Nepal forward, as well as ability and honesty. And, depth and depth of personality.

No matter how refined the party is and its seasoned leaders, these are serious responsibilities. But this heavy responsibility has fallen on the shoulders of a party like the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) that does not carry the legacy of bringing democracy and its young and inexperienced leaders. Can they successfully shoulder all these responsibilities? This question has become important at this time. 

Nepali voters have said that the Communists and the Congress cannot handle the future of Nepal. The UML general convention representative made KP Oli the president again and sidelined change-oriented leaders like Usha Kiran Timsina and Binda Pandey. Doing so was to encourage KP Oli's community, statements that spread poison among communities and various actions that contaminate Nepali politics. But the Nepali people have punished the UML with their voting rights. This huge defeat can be a lesson and an opportunity for the UML to improve in the future. The future of the party depends on how the leaders and activists of the UML take this crushing defeat and how they improve in the future. 

But in any case, the first generation leaders who went through prison, imprisonment, underground life, and exile to bring democracy by overthrowing the Panchayat and autocratic monarchy are respected. Democrats must be grateful to the leaders who brought a new constitution after a ten-year people's war and brought Nepal on the path of republicanism and inclusion. But since they have repeatedly shown their failure to come to power and after reaching it, Nepali voters have given them a break. Whether they win or lose the election individually, they now have no other option but to play a guardian role in protecting democratic achievements.

Despite the incomparable contribution of the Madhesi parties and their leaders to bring federalism, they also followed the path of the Congress and the UML when running the administration. Bargaining for power, familyism, infighting, factionalism, and corruption down to the village level became their culture. No matter how many slogans and promises they made on the eve of the election, they were not credible and the Madhesi voters did not believe them.

In fact, the Nepalis had to choose one of two parties in this election - the reformed Congress led by Gagan-Bishwaprakash and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) led by Balen-Ravi. But this choice seemed easy due to the external crowd or the hatred for the old party, but it was as complicated when examined.

There was no experienced leader in Nepal as Gagan Thapa as the candidate for the Prime Minister. He had been thinking forward since his student days. Accordingly, he had fought for a republic. He was constantly active for change within the Congress. Having been associated with the oldest party in Nepal for decades, he knew about the unrest within the party and in various parts of the state. Relatively speaking, he had the tendency and ability to assimilate new issues in terms of personality and personality. This issue was also made clear by his statements after the special general convention. Therefore, it seemed that he had a rush to do something new.

Due to his years of collaboration with Bishwa Prakash Sharma, he had the habit of consulting while making decisions, as well as the courage to do new things, learn from past mistakes, and take concrete steps for the marginalized. After continuously struggling within the Congress and failing to hold a general convention, he brought the Congress on a new path by holding a special general convention. Even in the heat of the Gen-G rebellion of 23 and 24 Bhadra, only a politician could have had the courage to change the leadership of the oldest party in the country by mobilizing workers from all over the country. In other words, if there had been a revolutionary leader in the Congress to lead the party after BP, his name was definitely likely to come up. He would have been Madan Bhandari of the Congress. 

But his party was not in a position to say that the Congress had improved right away. There were two reasons for this. One, the greedy second-tier leaders initially supported Sher Bahadur Deuba and did not allow him to hold a general convention. As a result, Gagan and Bishwaprakash had to mobilize cadres from all over the country and call a special general convention on the eve of the elections. After changing leadership from the special general convention, they did not get enough time to take their ideas, agenda, and programs to the people across the country, explain them, convince them, and solidify those ideas and promises. Their policies and programs were like saying, "Eat hot, burn to death." Although some faces were new, the rest came to the election field with old feelings. Gagan-Bishwaprakash's ideas were rejected by voters who did not accept them in the parliamentary system. 

Another weak point of Gagan is that the group that opposed not only the general convention but also the special general convention and filed a case in the Supreme Court claiming that this special general convention was illegal also took tickets from him and entered the election fray. Even if these leaders who support Deuba won the election, the voters did not believe that they would help Gagan-Bishwprakash to bring about change in the country according to the spirit of Gen-G. With the defeat in this election, Gagan-Bishwprakash is going to be tested even more in Nepali politics.

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) including Balen has now come like a storm in Nepali politics. As said in the poem ‘Westwind’ by the English poet Shelley, it is like a whirlwind that has come to grow rotten leaves. This has awakened the hope of new growth among the Nepalese people. The ‘craze’ for Balen across the country has given this signal. However, Balen's 'craze' was similar during the Kathmandu mayoral election, and at that time, a rapper had managed to lure young people in their twenties and twenty-fives with his clean, fast-paced songs, while his master's degree in structural engineering had increased his credibility. After becoming mayor, he spoke less, did more, and dramatically stopped road encroachments and removed roadside vendors, but he became popular among the middle class and ordinary residents of the capital, although he was criticized by the intelligentsia.

He was also credited with making Kathmandu a 'walkable' (pedestrian-friendly) city. His work, which did not appear dramatic in the media, such as enrolling talented students from all over the country in private schools in Kathmandu or arranging ambulances for poor patients from all over the country when they came to Kathmandu, made him a hardworking person. In this way, his 'brand' became like a brand across the country. His clean image was established among the general public, who were fed up with the corruption of leaders and parties and the spread of infection in every organ of the state apparatus. Trust in him increased.

But when his unsolicited and uncontrolled post from his ‘handle’ came out on social media at midnight, the attraction towards him among the youth may have increased, as an expression of youth anger. But among the intellectuals who had a positive attitude towards him, his personality seemed to be a little immature. It remains to be seen how this aspect of him will be as the Prime Minister.

His weaker side than the social media post is that he won the trust of the common people with the song ‘Garibko Chameli Sundine Kohi Chhin’, which was popular during the mayoral election, but without making any alternative arrangements, he claimed to have a structural engineering project and ruthlessly removed the poor traders on the roadside by using the police. What could be hypocritical if not hypocritical? The idea also persists among the intelligentsia. How he manages the skills and labor of the common people who earn their living by doing simple jobs across the country will remain a challenge.

Apart from these personal qualities and flaws of Balen, now as the Prime Minister, he will have to work neck and neck with Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) President Ravi Lamichhane. His statements about the media during the Lamichhane passport scandal and his actions inspired by revenge while he was the Home Minister have already exposed the deceitfulness and short-sightedness of his personality. The case of Ravi's involvement in the cooperative scam is pending in court and Nepal's justice system should be able to do justice to him in a fair manner. He should not be like Trump who gets 'seven blood pardons' after coming to power. Balen and Ravi have the responsibility of not letting justice towards the general cooperative savers die in their own hands. How they resolve this matter will be their first test. Their wrong steps in this regard are sure to be very counterproductive for the future. 

But whatever the personal faults of Balen and Ravi, the election intentions and pact of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) including Balen are excellent. The determination to eradicate corruption, Balen's own clean image, the inclusion of talented, young people in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the system of primaries in elections, and the continuation of Nepali citizenship for expatriate Nepalis, understanding the sensitive geopolitical situation of Nepal. All these have made the RSS an attractive party to lead Nepal's future among Nepalis across the country and around the world, and the voters have approved it by giving it a huge mandate.

This two-thirds majority could be a golden opportunity for Ravi-Balen to strengthen federalism, inclusion, secularism, republicanism, and good governance in Nepal and introduce various dimensions of development. But this two-thirds majority can also make them arrogant and stubborn. It is equally necessary to congratulate the RSS led by Balen and Ravi for bringing this huge majority, but also to warn them. May this majority become an opportunity to take Nepal on a progressive path in every way, but may this two-thirds not become a snare for them. These are my best wishes.

Pramod

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