All revolutions, struggles and movements awaken new hope. After the Gen-G movement overthrew the UML-Congress coalition, the public's expectations for political transformation have increased. Although political transformations have taken place in the past as well, major struggles have led to political transformation.

However, the economic-political transformation did not take place at the level desired by the people. The dominance of the dominant class and community in the state power and political leadership continued. Despite the acceptance of the principle of proportional inclusion due to the resistance of the oppressed community, no political initiative was taken towards making the entire state inclusive in a way that reflects Nepali diversity.

The ruling class and community maintained the practice of 'othering' the communities that were historically excluded. Building an inclusive state power did not become a mandatory action plan of the political party, it was accepted only as a legal obligation. Limiting the inclusion necessary to change the overall socio-political unequal power relations and create a society free from social justice, equality and discrimination, an advanced society, to 'formality' is an attack on the dreams of the oppressed community.

If we consider the manifestos brought by political parties in the elections to the House of Representatives, the number of candidates given, and the statements made during the elections as a basis, it is confirmed that the major parties of Nepal have limited inclusion to formality. This article discusses the views and practices of the major parties of Nepal, the Nepali Congress, the CPN (UML), the Nepali Communist Party, and the National Independent Party, on inclusion.

An ironic picture 

Historical discrimination and exclusion have been taking place in Nepal against women, Dalits, indigenous peoples, Madhesis, Tharus, Muslims, and other marginalized communities. On the other hand, it is clear to everyone that the oppressed communities are the important force for democracy and socio-political transformation in Nepal. Inclusive democracy is an achievement of the struggle of those oppressed classes and communities.

Especially due to the then Maoist people's war, the resistance of the oppressed communities, and progressive socio-political forces, the principle of proportional inclusion was accepted politically and constitutionally. Therefore, inclusion is a fundamental issue of Nepali democracy.

The election manifestos of the major political parties in Nepal have formally accepted the principle of proportional inclusion. However, they do not include a clear vision, plan and program for making the entire society and state structurally inclusive, promoting an inclusive culture and building a society with social justice. 

Like the basic structure of state power, the dominance of the dominant class and community in all three levels of government, judiciary, bureaucracy and public structures remains. The Nepali Communist Party has theoretically raised the issue of transforming such an inclusive structure and building a socio-political structure with social diversity, while the Nepali Congress has also committed to practically implementing the principle of inclusion in its manifesto.

A separate section is included in the manifesto regarding the political representation and inclusion of women, Dalits, indigenous peoples, etc. The CPN (UML) has included the issue of ending social discrimination and promoting the inclusion of women and marginalized communities in its manifesto. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has mentioned ending social discrimination and enacting necessary laws.

However, the ideas, perspectives and commitment to ensure meaningful representation of historically excluded communities in all state structures, to formulate policies to promote inclusive systems and to solve the problems caused by exclusion by making structural arrangements have not been embodied in the manifestos of UML and RSP. Efforts are being made to limit inclusion to formalities by the major parties. 

Even though inclusion is accepted, the list of candidates for the first-past-the-post system of the House of Representatives clearly shows the continuation of exclusion. Only about 11 percent of the candidates are women under this system.

If we look at the candidacies of the major political parties, the Nepali Congress has fielded only 10 out of 165 candidates (6 percent). Similarly, the CPN (UML) has fielded 10 out of 164 (6 percent), the CPN (UML) has fielded 12 out of 164 (7.30 percent) and the RSP has fielded 15 out of 164 (9 percent). Making women, who constitute 51 percent of the population, less than 10 percent of the candidates is a product of political patriarchy. This confirms that all the major parties continue to exclude women. 

The data on the number of candidates by caste and community in the first-past-the-post electoral system shows the dominance of Khas-Aryans in the major political parties of Nepal. The total number of candidates is about 36 percent, indigenous people 25 percent, Madhesi 24 percent, Dalit 6.5 percent, Tharu 4.5 percent, and Muslims 4 percent.

Among the major parties, Nepali Congress has 59 percent Khas-Aryan candidates and only one Dalit. The CPN (UML) has also fielded 56 percent Khas-Aryan candidates, while there are only 2 Dalit candidates. The Nepali Communist Party has 47 percent Khas-Aryan and 2 Dalit candidates. The emerging new party, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), has 60 percent Khas-Aryan candidates. It has fielded a total of 3 Dalit candidates. This data shows that almost all parties, new or old, are promoting Khas-Aryan hegemony. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has become the party that has fielded the most Khas-Aryan candidates.

From the perspective of inclusion, this is a regressive step. This candidacy shows the biggest contradiction between the inclusion written in the election manifestos of the parties and their behavior. In essence, from an inclusive perspective, this candidacy is a continuation of the series of institutionalizing the dominance of the dominant class and community.

Even during the election campaign, the issue of strengthening inclusive democracy did not become an agenda of the major political parties. Naturally, it is seen that the contribution made by women, Dalits and oppressed communities during the then Maoist people's war and movement was raised by the NCP leader Prachanda during the campaign. The issues of federalism, inclusion and oppressed communities were seen to be voiced in public forums and campaign meetings.

However, while in power and in power, his role in the effective implementation of inclusion was not sufficient. Other top leaderships of the major parties did not seem to give much importance to building an inclusive socio-political system. There is extreme poverty and deprivation in Nepal. Women and oppressed communities are forced to face daily torture, abuse and violence. Approximately 7,000 people commit suicide annually, or an average of 19 people per day. However, the candidates did not speak about the issue of inclusive development that would free them from such a terrible situation.

Approximately 15,000 Nepalis die of cancer annually in Nepal. This rate is increasing rapidly. It is estimated that it will increase by 91 percent by 2050. Women are more likely to suffer from cancer. The poor and vulnerable groups cannot afford treatment. The agenda of the poor, workers, and marginalized communities did not find a place in the election campaign. Despite being included in official documents, inclusive development and building an inclusive society did not become a matter of concern for the political leadership and candidates. This is a matter of irony for the oppressed communities of Nepal. 

Inclusion: A Disappointing Future 

The election to the House of Representatives, held amidst a national crisis, can be expected to give a direction to the then politics, however, it has not been able to indicate that it will truly establish an inclusive democracy by transforming Nepal's structure. Assessing the expected results of the candidacies and elections, there is no sign that the character of the state power will change much.

There are clear signs that the dominant ruling class and community will hold the main reins of power and continue the rule based on exclusion. There is no woman in the discussion as the future Prime Minister, which means that the political parties are not ready to make the country's executive women.

There is no sign in the current politics that a Dalit will become the Home Minister of the country and end the violence, discrimination, injustice and atrocities prevalent in the society or establish social justice. Political parties have not shown any signs of forming an inclusive government with a woman as the Finance Minister or a Madhesi as the Defense Minister.

The exclusion institutionalized by the discriminatory state power cannot end unless there is a political force committed to making the party leadership inclusive, distributing opportunities proportionally, and establishing justice for communities that have been subjected to historical oppression. The future state power cannot be inclusive without a concrete idea, vision, policy and program that will transform the state power in a structural way and make it truly inclusive in the political party and leadership.

The oppressed classes, communities and genders of Nepal have sought a respectful share in the state power. They have expected the creation of a state power that will make them feel that this state is ‘mine too’. They want to end the structural single-caste dominance and build an inclusive state where policies for coexistence and cooperation of diverse castes, genders and communities can be formulated and implemented.

The aim is to effectively practice a governance system with ethnic, linguistic and cultural autonomy. They have sought a just society where there is no violence on the basis of caste, gender, language and community. There is still no sign that politics will move forward in the direction of ending the situation where only the dominant class, gender and community exercises state power and the oppressed community always has to be governed.