Political parties are a product of circumstances and necessity. The political situation of the country and the condition of the people demand new political parties.

With the development of industrial capitalism in Europe, the working class began to be exploited by the bourgeoisie to the extreme. Against such exploitation or in favor of the rights of the working people, the Communist Manifesto was published in 1848 at the initiative of Marx and Lenin. With the development of competitive capitalism, an environment emerged where strong capitalists would exterminate even weak capitalists. The Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) was formed for a revolutionary movement against such a system. The Chinese Communist Party was formed in China under the leadership of Mao against Japan's monopolistic dominance over China and Chiang Kai-shek's autocracy, and it led a democratic revolution in favor of the working class, laborers, and peasants. The Indian National Congress was formed in India to achieve independence from British colonialism. 

In Nepal too, the 'Nepali National Congress' was formed in 2003 BS to end the autocratic and anti-people Rana rule and establish democracy. Similarly, the 'Nepal Communist Party' was formed in 2006 BS with the idea of ​​national independence, livelihood, and liberation of the poor, working class, and oppressed communities. These parties have played an important role in establishing a democratic system in Nepal. The then CPN (Maoist) launched a people's war in 2052 BS with issues such as the abrogation of the unequal treaty with India, the cancellation of the treasonous agreement, as well as the agenda of ending the monarchy, implementing revolutionary land reform, and the liberation of the poor, working class, farmers, laborers, women, Dalits, and oppressed communities. The Maoist people's war played a role in transforming Nepal into a federal democratic republican system through the restructuring of the state. In other words, the role of political parties has been very important in the political transformation of Nepal. 

But the established political parties could not work in the interest of the country and the people. They turned into betrayals of the promises and commitments made to the people. The public opinion obtained from the people through elections became only a link to destroy power. To the extent that Nepal's political system has become a situation where 3/4 leaders are being manipulated. The country has reached a state of economic stagnation. The country's economy has reached a state where the poor and working class cannot function without sending remittances. The economy is heading towards impoverishment due to foreign debt. The poor are sinking deeper into poverty, while the national economy has come under the control of a certain elite and elite. However, no party and leadership are debating the responsibility of solving the serious economic crisis. After a great deal of sacrifice, a federal system has been established in the country. However, no party has the idea, vision, or plan to make federalism strong and effective. There is an extreme problem of corruption in the country. Political leaders, employees, the army, police, and courts who are responsible for the development of the country are involved in corruption. The people are forced to suffer from misrule, chaos, and anarchy at every step. However, no party has been able to take any planned initiative to solve such crises. The people have been searching for alternative political forces as a result of the situation where the Nepali people have witnessed many examples of political parties and their leadership defending corruption involving party leaders/workers. Whether the people support Balen Sah, Hark Sampang, Gopi Hamal as mayors or the people's support for the National Independent Party is a result of this. However, there should be a serious review of what the elected mayor or the RSVP has done to solve the national crisis, address the livelihood of the people, and resolve the discrimination and exclusion of the oppressed community. 

Ideological status quo 

The emergence of a new person or a new party in Nepali politics is being interpreted as alternative politics. The emergence of a new person or party to face a new situation cannot be alternative politics alone. Concrete ideas and approaches are essential to bring the country out of the crisis of politics and economy, to end the economic dependence created by globalized capitalism, to solve the difficulties of workers forced to work abroad for cheap labor due to poverty and economic problems, and to end the inhuman discrimination and atrocities being committed against women, Dalits, and marginalized communities on a daily basis. New ideas cannot be formed without a serious review of the country's economic and political situation. However, the political parties that have emerged in Nepal in recent times do not have any new and concrete ideological approaches. The economic, administrative, and cultural problems of corruption cannot be solved without an ideological approach. 

The people are extremely disappointed and angry due to the failure of the state and the inaction of political parties. The reasons for such disappointment are not only the problems seen in the then environment. Theoretically, the consumerist economy, the looting of middlemen, brokers, and political-administrative gangs, and misrule caused by neoliberal capitalism are the cause of the people's passion. To solve such problems, political parties should have a new ideological perspective, long-term thinking, policies and programs. However, new parties including the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) do not seem to have any concrete ideological perspective to solve such problems. Can alternative politics be built if a new party is formed or a new character emerges in politics? Clear ideas, perspectives, policies and programs to solve today's crisis are essential. Without them, no party can be an alternative.

Structure, leadership and policies

The top leadership of most parties has been dominated by hilly Khas Arya men. Since the respective communities established political parties after the Adivasi Janajati, Madhesi and Tharu movements, people from those communities are in the main leadership of a limited number of parties. The representation of women in the decision-making positions of those parties is very weak. The oldest party, Nepali Congress, has not yet been able to reach the main leadership of anyone other than Khas Arya men. After making Dhanman Singh Pariyar the General Secretary in 2009 BS, the Congress has not been able to make a single Dalit the General Secretary even after seven decades.

The Nepal Communist Party was formed under the leadership of Pushpalal Shrestha, but since then, the top leadership of the main communist component has been dominated by Khas Arya. From the Dalit community, Ruplal Bishwakarma was the main leader of the Proletarian Workers' Front, while Ahuti is the general secretary of the Scientific Socialist Communist Party. The Progressive Democratic Party, on the other hand, has made its presidium inclusive of five people. The main leadership of most other communist parties or democratic parties does not seem committed to the issue of inclusion.

Nepali society has diversity based on caste, class, gender, language, religion, culture, and community. On the other hand, there is discrimination, exclusion, and violence based on the same kind of diversity. For example, Dalits have been discriminated against on the basis of community, violence, and atrocities. They have been forced to live in extreme poverty. They have been forced to suffer from labor exploitation, financial oppression, and thousands of acts of violence based on caste. There is similar violence and exclusion against women. Therefore, no party can be an alternative party without a clear idea, vision, policy, and plan to resolve such social contradictions.

Due to the monopoly of the Khas Arya community, especially in political parties, policies and programs, the oppressed community has sacrificed itself and established the principle of proportional inclusion in politics. This country, state and society belong to everyone, therefore, the oppressed community has sacrificed itself in political and social struggle because the monopoly of any particular class, community and gender in state power and political power is not acceptable. The principle of proportional inclusion has been established through the blood, tears and sweat of the progressive and oppressed class. This is not a right given by any particular leadership, party or community, but a right obtained through struggle. However, a conspiracy to distort the proportional inclusion brought by the people at gunpoint is being carried out by all the parties, new or old. The central leadership of the National Independent Party, formed with a new alliance, has completely rejected the principle of proportional inclusion. There is one woman and two ethnic groups in the 11-member office bearers, but there is zero representation of marginalized communities including Dalits, Muslims, Tharus. From the point of view of inclusion, the RSVP appears to be more regressive than the old parties. The single-caste totalitarianism of political parties neither makes the party proportionally inclusive based on structure, ideology, and perspective, nor the state itself. It legitimizes the dominance of the dominant while perpetuating discrimination, exclusion, and oppression against the poor, marginalized, and oppressed communities.

Political parties are continuously distorting the proportional inclusion that was exchanged with the blood of the oppressed communities. The oppressed communities have been given the right to proportional inclusion as compensation for the discrimination historically committed by the state on the basis of caste, gender, class, and community. However, the Khas Aryas, who have been continuously exploiting the state, are the ones who are benefiting the most from this system. This is against the principle of substantive justice. On the other hand, this arrangement has been made to bring the oppressed communities to the place of policy formulation due to the exclusion of the state. However, those with political and economic influence like Girija Prasad Koirala, Arju Rana, Prakash Sharan Mahat, Bal Krishna Khand, Manju Khand, Lyarkyal Lama, Shankar Pokharel, Surendra Pandey, Raghuji Pant, Motilal Dugarh, Tilak Rawal, Pashupati Shamsher Jabra, Dol Prasad Aryal, Chanda Karki are misusing proportional representation. It was clearly seen that the recently announced proportional representation list of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) is dominated by the dominant economic class and dominant community. From the perspective of the oppressed and marginalized communities, this is not a sign of progressive socio-political transformation. Not being different from the old parties, the RSS is by no means a new and alternative political party in terms of social inclusion.

Alternative or electoral party? 

Whether a political force is alternative or not is confirmed through the ideas, perspectives, policies, programs, and working style embraced by those parties. Green parties have been formed in various European countries since the 1960s in opposition to environmental destruction, nuclear power, and unlimited exploitation of nature around the world, in favor of environmental protection, non-violence, and local democracy. Their clear goal seems to be environmental protection and democracy with social justice. Therefore, such parties have been accepted as new parties. 

Many new parties have been formed in Nepal with the 21 Falgun elections as the centerpiece. The process of formation and reorganization is also underway among some old parties. Thus, the central issue of forming a new party or building a coalition is gaining political power and power through elections. If we look at the recent agreements, documents, and leadership statements of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) party, which is gaining strength with the new coalition, there is no concrete concept for the country's structural transformation. For example, what are the ideas, perspectives, and plans to make federalism strong and effective? There is no clarity anywhere. The RSS party does not even have an action plan for ending the country's extreme economic crisis, alleviating poverty, and transforming the economic lives of workers, laborers, and farmers. It is not clear even among the new parties what the transformational programs will be for the poor or landless people of Madhesh who are forced to die in the cold. The political ambitions of all parties, new or old, are still focused on gaining power and authority. It does not yet seem possible to create a situation where they can hope that once they gain power, the critical socio-economic transformation will take place, the structural and practical problems of the country will be solved, and the most marginalized and excluded communities will be liberated. A party that cannot create an environment where ordinary citizens can easily exercise their basic rights cannot become an alternative party.