The Nepali Congress is not just a political party in democratic history, but an institutional symbol of the sacrificial struggle for freedom, civil rights, constitutional rule, and inclusive democracy.

The proportional electoral system for the House of Representatives, which is scheduled to be held on Falgun 21, is a constitutional tool to move democracy from the limited sphere of numerical representation to qualitative, fair and inclusive representation. Its main objective is to bring historically excluded, neglected or marginalized classes, communities and groups to the decision-making level. The significance of democracy is established only when the parliament and government become a reflection of the real social, cultural and geographical structure of society.

The criteria adopted by the Nepali Congress while selecting candidates through the proportional closed list have determined the ideological spirit, moral height and future political culture of the party. In particular, giving priority to individuals who have contributed to the party and democracy for decades, but have not received any beneficial state positions, and who have been deprived of opportunities despite being active in the movement, is a step directly linked to the moral identity of the Congress. The proportional list should not be a repetition of opportunities, but a restoration of justice. This is why the policy of not repeating those elected through the proportional system in the past in the closed list is a very positive and far-sighted reform. It opens the door for new leadership, new social experience, different perspectives and new political energy to enter the parliament.

Inclusivity with ethnic, regional, gender and geographical balance in line with the spirit of the Constitution and the statute of the Nepali Congress is the ideological backbone of the Congress. However, inclusivity should not be limited to just the arithmetic of the list or the management of quotas. It is a question of real access and influence in the policy making, budget allocation and decision-making process. Giving priority to the families of martyrs is not only a respect for history, but also a debt-acceptance to democracy.

50 percent participation of women in political leadership is not an emotional, symbolic or just a slogan of gender justice, but a practical, structural and long-term strategy to improve the quality of democracy. The Nepali Congress should take a historic decision to implement 50 percent women's participation at all levels of the organization from the upcoming general convention. This step is not only a declaration of gender equality, but also a new political beginning that will clearly differentiate the Congress from other parties, make it a leader in democratic practice, and regain public trust. Today, most parties are including women due to constitutional compulsion, but if the Congress can implement 50 percent participation through voluntary, policy-level, and institutional commitments, it will bring about a qualitative change in political culture. This will establish women not only for presence, but as equal partners in leadership and policy-making.

‘The 33 percent women’s quota in Nepal was a historic achievement in Nepali political history.’ However, over time, we must accept the reality that this minimum limit has started to be treated as a maximum. This created the risk of limiting women to ‘guests’ of the decision-making structure or mere means to fill the numbers. 50 percent women’s participation is the concept of a shared power structure. There, women are equal partners in the process of making policies, leading debates, running organizations, and determining the direction of the state. This is not an option for the renaissance of the Nepali Congress, but a necessary condition.

A large part of the population of Nepal is also the young generation. They are looking for future opportunities more than the glory of past movements. If political parties fail to address the aspirations of this generation, their distance from democratic politics will increase. The Nepali Congress should accept the youth as today's decision-makers, not as 'tomorrow's successors'. Prioritizing youth representation in elections, establishing policy research institutes and youth 'think tanks', developing digital dialogue, fact-based debate and open consultation mechanisms are the party's long-term organizational investments. This will become a weapon to transform the Congress into a political force that is time-friendly, innovation-oriented and responsible for the future.

The long-term challenge of the Congress is individualism, factional politics and opaque decision-making culture. Now, the bigger and more serious question than 'who is the president?' is 'how are decisions made?'. Making the criteria for candidate selection public and transparent, conducting internal elections through a digital system, publishing the party's financial audit report, maintaining regional and gender balance in policymaking—these reforms are the basis for the moral reconstruction and institutional credibility of the Nepali Congress. A party without institutional discipline cannot remain trustworthy in the long term.

50 percent participation of women, the decisive role of youth, inclusive proportional representation, and institutional transparency—these are not separate agendas. All of these form an integrated and long-term course of action for the renaissance of the Nepali Congress. This renaissance is not just a strategy to reach power, but a process of renewing democracy and institutional strengthening. Only when the Congress reinterprets and transforms its historical values ​​into practice in the current context, will the people's trust be restored.