The original path of the right-wing UML

Another message given by the Gen-G rebellion is that nepotism, favoritism, cronyism, and brokering must be put to an end, and good governance must be established. This is not just a demand of Gen-G, but a matter of concern for the entire Nepali people.

Mangshir 26, 2082

JB Biswakarma

The original path of the right-wing UML

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It is certain that there will be no theoretical-ideological debate and discussion in the eleventh convention of the UML. The general convention is considered to be the most important program for the Communist Party to review the political-ideological perspective, analyze the economic-political environment of the country, and formulate new ideas. The general convention is the place to formulate the necessary ideology and strategy through theoretical debate between the practice, results, and weaknesses of the ideas adopted by the party.

However, in most political parties in Nepal, the general convention is focused only on rituals and leadership selection. If we review the past general conventions, the development of concrete ideas, perspectives, and action plans to solve the country's complex crisis has not become a matter of concern and priority for the UML. However, the Communist Party has been saying that it will do nothing for the liberation of the working class, the poor, laborers, farmers, and oppressed classes and communities, and that the top leadership of the UML does not need to work on developing ideas or perspectives for the race from power to power. The result of this is Oli's statement that 'I speak, the convention will be over'. Not only this, the attempt to prohibit the discussion of Ishwor Pokharel's different political proposal in the general convention is an attempt. However, no ideas and perspectives are necessary to climb the ladder of state power, to keep groups with different opinions within the party in 'size'. For that, only conspiracy, slander, and weapons of oppression are sufficient. The current party leadership is good at exercising such power. 

UML's right-wing momentum 

Looking at the historical legacy of the CPN (UML), it seems that it comes from communist ideals, ideas, principles and struggles. However, the UML has come hundreds of miles away from the theoretical beliefs, ideological outlook and program of the Communist Party. The basic belief of the Communist Party is class struggle. The Communist Party should be characterized by supporting workers, laborers, peasants and classes that have been historically oppressed, exploited and suppressed. With capitalist practices, the poor classes of Nepal are increasingly falling into a vicious circle of poverty. A very large population is still landless. Around 2,500 working class people from Nepal are forced to work abroad for cheap labor every day for their daily livelihood. Thousands of people are forced to die due to lack of financial resources. There is a huge gap between the education received by the rich and the poor. The poor, workers, oppressed classes and communities are drowning in tears for their daily livelihood. However, on the other hand, the leaders and cadres of the UML, who claim to be communists and say that they will liberate the oppressed people, are involved in promoting class education by investing in private schools. There are many examples of party leaders becoming protectors of contractors, middlemen and brokers. However, the UML does not even raise the slogan of liberating the workers, oppressed classes and communities who are struggling with scarcity, poverty, hunger and disease, and are forced to go for cheap foreign employment. The Marxist view that there is a struggle between classes in society and that the Communist Party fights for the proletariat, workers, working class and oppressed class does not apply to the UML. 

UML is not a party of the working class, poor, workers, farmers and oppressed class in ideological and practical terms, that is, it is not a communist party in principle. These facts confirm that the main path of the UML is right-wing. 

The UML put forward the idea of ​​'people's multi-party democracy' from the fifth convention. Through 'Jabaj', the UML had analyzed the establishment of a political system based on multi-party competition and peaceful revolutionary transformation through competition. However, the UML has been in parliamentary politics for the past 30 years. It has led the government repeatedly or has become a power partner. KP Oli alone has become the Prime Minister four times. While enjoying power politics for such a long time, the UML has not been able to run any program in favor of the poor, workers, women, Dalits, indigenous-tribals, Madhesis, Tharus and other oppressed classes and communities. The UML, which occasionally talks about socialism in its speeches, was neither able to prepare a socialist budget nor any socialist program when the main leadership was in power. Although the UML has theoretically turned away from socialist ideas and perspectives, there was no question of a socialist program for them. However, since the UML leadership has no connection with such issues, there was no question of these issues becoming a discussion agenda at the general convention. 

Nepali society cannot move forward without addressing social diversity. The UML party-government has been dominated by hilly Brahmin men. Since the formation of the CPN (UML) till now, only hilly Brahmin men have dominated the party chairman and general secretary positions. In the current secretariat of 18, 13 are Khas-Aryans. UML has started to include women, indigenous peoples, Dalits, Madhesis, Tharus, Muslims and other marginalized communities in the organization only out of compulsion. However, the voices of oppressed castes are not heard in the party's main policy formulation and power-exercising arena. Many incidents of Oli repeatedly rebuking and suppressing women when they raised the issue of inclusiveness and internal democracy within the party are public. A leadership that is not ready to accept women as leaders has no chance of ending gender discrimination or formulating and implementing the idea or vision of women's liberation. When Oli's home province was named, indigenous peoples strongly raised the issue of identity. However, Oli, by wielding power, silenced the voices of indigenous peoples. The government led by him also took the initiative to suppress the movement of Mukkumalung, a cultural center in Yakthung. The historical exclusion, discrimination and violence against Dalits did not become a topic of discussion for the UML top leadership. When Dalits raised the issue of justice, Oli did not hesitate to insult the party's leadership, but also to slander Dalit inclusion and reservations. The CPN (UML) has a history of great sacrifices, contributions and sacrifices by women, Dalits, indigenous-tribal and oppressed communities in the party building. However, it is ironic that they should be insulted within the party. How will such a party build and lead the ideology of Dalit liberation? Will the UML party struggle for women's liberation as long as the misogynistic leadership dominates? How will it stand in favor of the linguistic-cultural identity of indigenous people? Or will it bring the oppressed community into the leadership and accept it as a leader? It is certain that such serious socio-political issues will not be on the agenda of the UML general convention because the UML has turned away from the agenda of these oppressed classes and communities. 

The legitimacy of autocratic leadership

In fact, the Communist Party believes that democracy should be practiced in the formation of ideas and perspectives. This means that there should be an open discussion about different ideas, perspectives and concepts within the party and the leadership should implement the majority decision. This strengthens the party's internal democracy. However, the fact that KP Oli's ideas in the UML have become the party's ideas or that those with different ideas or perspectives have been marginalized has been made public time and again. Oli's move to re-elect himself as the chairman in the last Bhadra legislative session was an example of autocraticism. The question of what kind of leadership is formed in the UML affects not only the party but also the country and the people. Since parties are also public bodies, it is equally necessary to have a public debate about them. If the UML establishes an autocratic, arrogant and anarchic leadership, its impact will reach the people. Therefore, the development of a practice of being committed to the interests of the common people rather than giving legitimacy to the general convention's autocratic leadership will strengthen democracy. 

The Gen-G rebellion took place in Bhadau against the anti-people activities of certain individuals and the party who have been exploiting party and state power. It has also alerted the parties to transform Nepal's political parties, hand over leadership, and build a leadership that can address the needs of the new era. Parties need to take the public opinion of the Gen-G rebellion seriously. A faction of the leadership within the UML has raised the agenda of party transformation and has also publicly expressed its opinion. However, the UML is not positive about generational transfer, inclusive leadership building, and transformation within the party. It is again moving forward with the leadership that has failed the people's test time and again. This is sending a message that the UML does not want to transform, but rather wants to legitimize arrogance, ego, and autocracy. 

Another message given by the Gen-G rebellion is that nepotism, favoritism, cronyism, and brokerage should be ended and good governance should be established. This is not just a demand of Gen-G, but a matter of concern for the entire Nepali people. UML has also been parroting the slogan of good governance. However, shouldn't the UML party discuss the practice of good governance at the general convention? What is the source of daily livelihood of party leaders? Improper financial dealings with middlemen, brokers, contractors, and employees are not a topic of discussion for UML. The party leadership is involved in corruption scandals. The UML leadership does not have the authority to investigate and take action against corruption and irregularities committed by elected public representatives or heads of government from UML. A party and leadership that cannot take action against its own leaders and workers involved in corruption cannot maintain good governance. If the party itself is not in good governance, it cannot maintain good governance. Good governance cannot be maintained by party leadership and top leaders who protect the corrupt, brokers, and middlemen and raise their voices against them and end their political future. 

In essence, if we look at the theoretical, ideological, leadership, practice, and behavior of the CPN (UML), the character of the Communist Party has ended. A party that follows the interests, ideas, and orders of a certain leader and strengthens autocratic leadership is not the character of a communist party. The UML, which does not struggle for the liberation of the working-class and oppressed class, uses the people only as a ladder to gain power, and becomes a protector of the interests of brokers, middlemen, and capitalists after coming to power, has been transformed into a pseudo-communist and right-wing party. However, it seems that the progressive-transformative within the UML are trying to carry the agenda of the liberation of the real working-class, women, laborers, and oppressed communities. However, the possibility of them also bringing down the UML, which has become traditionalist, right-wing, and transforming it into a socialist party is extremely weak. 

JB

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