The Gen-G movement is over. However, Nepali society will have to travel a long way amid the aftereffects of this movement. The debate over the good/bad aspects of the 'Gen-G revolution' will continue for a long time to come. A lot of damage has certainly been done during this movement, which should not have happened.

However, it has also brought about a radical change in Nepal's economy and politics. Ultimately, Nepali society will be affected by it for the foreseeable future. This movement has also inspired active political leaders/activists to do 'good deeds' for the country. When analyzed in this way, the 'Gen-G revolution' has both good and bad sides. 

How will the Gen-G movement contribute to the meaningful transformation of the entire country? Will the good governance system, corruption-free political society, and employment opportunities according to the needs and capabilities of the new generation, raised by Gen-G, be created in the country or not? And will there really be a change in Nepal that touches the lives of the grassroots class or not? Even if it does, will it be institutionalized or not? A discussion on these many questions is necessary, which will clarify the future path of Nepal. 

This movement is certainly not just about changing the characters of governance and power. In this way, what difference will this movement make in the lives of agricultural workers, former bonded laborers, landless, tenants, and small farmers? Will the subsequent changes in their lives make a difference or not? This discussion/discussion is necessary because until there is a change in this class, Nepal cannot prosper, nor will the justification for such repeated movements be proven.

For Nepal's equitable prosperity, it is necessary to bring about radical changes in land and agriculture. And, it is also necessary for the new generation to understand the issues of land reform that have been pending for centuries and the intricacies within it. Understanding this issue is important because among the various reasons for Nepal's backwardness, the main one is the unjust distribution of land, which has clearly created two classes in society, the haves and have-nots. 

The Gen-G revolution was to establish good governance in the country. It was a pressure campaign to reduce corruption to zero. The grassroots class will definitely have hope in the new generation with such big and change-making issues. It is natural for the grassroots class, who have been struggling and waiting for a long time for change, to have hope in the new generation because they have already experienced the previous system and practice. 

How will the Gen-G movement contribute to the meaningful transformation of the entire country? Will there be a change that touches the lives of the grassroots class or not? Until the lives of this class change, neither can Nepal prosper, nor will the justification for such repeated movements be proven But, ironically! At this time, the interim government has abolished the Land Commission, which has hindered the management of landless Dalits, landless squatters and unorganized settlements that the government itself has launched as a campaign. This 'sacred work' that was launched to solve the problems of nearly 1.5 million families across the country has been stopped. 

Rather, the government formed after the movement should have given a deadline to the 'Land Problem Resolution Commission' and put pressure on it to resolve the problem quickly. It was not right to decide to dismiss the commission in a hurry without any study and thought. Let's say, this government did not like the commission, so it was dismissed! Who will do the work that is happening now? By 'giving great importance to industry and development', shouldn't this government think that 'the working people also have a contribution to building the country, their rights should not be stifled'?

The government did not seem to have paid attention to the need to work in a way that does not cause resentment among the very low-level landless, which is a very sad aspect. The argument that 'the commission's officials were supporters of the previous ruling party, that is why they were dismissed' is also not appropriate because in such a situation, the person preferred by the current government could have been kept there, the work style could have been changed. The possibility of making the team agile was also alive, but by dismissing the commission without considering any of these options, it has been confirmed that the government's approach towards the landless is wrong. 

The demand for ‘land reform in Nepal’ has been rising for years. The issue of ‘secure housing’ for landless, squatters and small farmers and ‘land ownership’ for cultivating farmers is an old and important issue, which has also been ensured by the Constitution of Nepal. In such a situation, the government formed after the movement should have understood that the practice of ignoring constitutional rights cannot win the hearts of the people. Ironically, this is where the weakness lies. That is, this is where the government failed. 

Landless families, who neither got enough food to eat, nor safe housing, nor employment according to their skills and abilities, nor government facilities, which would have made them feel a change in their lives. Instead, they wandered around all their lives, asking the government, asking the party. They kept voting in the hope that ‘they will do something’, and also paid the taxes due to the state. However, many people fell asleep before their dream of getting a piece of secure land was fulfilled. The problem did not go away. It was increasingly being passed down from generation to generation. However, even today, this class has neither a safe place to live, nor land to produce food. There is no place to work. Even if they find a place, they do not get enough wages for working. This is why these days, their new generation is forced to wander abroad, just to earn a living, just to fill their stomachs. 

The pain of landless youth who go abroad is also unbearable. They take a loan of 2-3 lakh rupees, pay that money to agents and manpower companies and go to the Gulf countries, barely earn 15-20 thousand per month from their daily work, with that money they barely have to pay for their house expenses, children's education, loan installments and interest. The visa expires in 2 years, and when it expires, the debt remains when they come home. In this way, the burden of debt is also increasing on the landless youth. In other words, that debt continues to cause stress throughout their lives.

The pain of landless settlements is even greater. The struggle of landless youth is fierce. From time to time, their settlements are uprooted. Houses are set on fire, houses are demolished. From time to time, the government uses bulldozers in the slums. Such acts are being committed by one citizen of this country against another. After all, those who run the government are also the representatives of the people of this country. Why are some people endowed with immense resources?

And, some are proletarians? Why is there injustice in the name of land? Why can the landless, small farmers, and the lower classes never have access to land? Why are their generations unable to rise above the lower classes? These unanswered questions have been created by the inequality in land but have been arising for a long time. Which can be called the long-standing structural injustice in the country. 

Looking at it, we see that after the changes since 2007, there is no party that does not share hope. The hope that is distributed for free will not bring prosperity. The problem of the lower classes will not be solved. The hungry will not be filled. The hut will not be transformed into a palace. On the contrary, those who share such hope will always benefit. They will get positions, they will get power, they will get many opportunities. The past is a witness to this.

Recently, Murli Nepali, a land rights activist from Rasuwa, passed away. He was born landless. He fought for a piece of land all his life, appealed to the government, to the people's representatives, repeatedly ran from Itapare to Dhunche to Singha Durbar, and participated in many protests called for in open forums in Kathmandu. Not only that, he submitted applications to the Land Commission/Committee formed every time since 2046 BS. It is not known whether the applications he submitted were used as fodder or to kindle a fire! His problems were not heard throughout his life. Thus, Murli, who was born landless, died with the adjective of landless. His 5 children are also forced to follow their father's fate. The families of 2 sons still live in small settlements on public land. Murali is just a representative character, there are more than 6 million people across the country who are direct/indirect victims of such irony and suffering. Who will understand this reality? When will they understand? 

The government has been forming land commissions in various phases over the past 35 years, but none of those commissions have been allowed to work full-time. This has been going on for a long time, which is injustice and oppression against the landless. Because no one becomes landless by their own desire. No one wants to remain landless, poor, or squatters by their own desire. This is the source of the problem. 

Quality food and safe shelter are the basic needs of humans. However, the lower class struggles throughout their lives to fulfill that basic need. On the other hand, those in positions and leadership have access to various state bodies due to structural benefits. The landless, poor, and farmers of society have always remained on the fringes of the society. There is a time and a limit for every issue.

However, neither time nor a limit has been given for the management of these landless. Whether they are appointed employees or office bearers, they have not worked. Because they are not representatives of the real community, no one will bother them even if they do not work. Dissolution-dismissal of the commission means losing one of their jobs, and in the case of some, it means being transferred to another office.

However, no one is aware that since they do not work responsibly in their positions, generations of landless people have been trapped in a cycle of injustice. This lower class has been trapped in a vicious cycle of deprivation and poverty. They have not been able to get treatment when they are sick, nor have they been able to raise money to send their children to school. Instead, it is the compulsion of the lower class to send their children to India and various Gulf countries when they are able to stand on their feet.

It is necessary to make these classes resource-rich by carrying out scientific land reforms in Nepal. The problem of landless squatters, irregular settlers, and bonded laborers such as Haliya, Haruwa/Charuwa, Kamaiya, and Kamlari also remains. The number of people displaced from settlements in risk areas and becoming landless has also increased every year. The problem of landless people living in village-block land, various settlements and settlements and landless people living in farm land is also very acute. 

On the other hand, the number of people becoming landless and victims of forest/reserves is also increasing due to the recent expansion of national parks and national forests. These issues are glaring, and the government is not on the path to a solution. An integrated law and a scientific management structure are necessary to solve all these problems. And, for this, the state needs to form an empowered commission - with a clear mandate, capable of completing the work within the specified time frame, and dedicated to the issue and the issue. That commission should work impartially and resolve the problem. Keeping the problem alive is to bring destruction upon oneself. 

Therefore, the focus now is to scientifically manage the landless according to the new environment, new needs and new demands. And, this is also very urgent. Only this can provide justice and prosperity to the suffering people. Only this can awaken a ray of hope in the weak classes at the grassroots level, bring light to their lives, raise their living standards, which will fill their lives with happiness. Therefore, the management of the landless is not only related to the distribution of small pieces of land (Ghaderi). It is also a matter related to the justice of the landless and small farmers as a whole. It is also necessary to do this for the judicial respect of the class that has been working on the land for generations.