A new chapter has begun in leftist political circles after the Maoist Center led by Prachanda and the CPN (Unified Socialist), which broke away from the UML, united to form the 'Nepali Communist Party'.

The broken link was connected

After the breakup with the KP Sharma Oli group in the then NCP, the former Maoist faction led by Prachanda and the former UML faction led by Madhav Kumar Nepal were in cooperation and unity. When these two factions were in one place, the convenient majority of the then NCP was with them. They had agitated together for a long time against the unconstitutional move of the then Prime Minister Oli to dissolve the House of Representatives. They had moved forward with a common structure nationwide, claiming themselves to be the original and official NCP. Not only political, organizational, but also emotional relations were developing between the leaders and activists of this group as a single party.

The Prachanda-Madhav group claimed that they should get official status as per the Political Parties Act, 2073 BS since the majority was with them. However, two and a half years after the party unification, the Supreme Court ruled that the unity was null and void, which was completely unexpected for them. Then the situation took a new turn. At that time, there was no discussion about registering a new party with the Election Commission under the name of the Nepali Communist Party, but it did not take shape. As a result, they joined hands and parted ways after their minds, thoughts and feelings merged. As before, on one side, the CPN (Maoist Center) was revived under the leadership of Prachanda, while on the other side, the UML rebelled and formed the CPN (S) under the leadership of Madhav Kumar Nepal. Finally, the broken link in history was reconnected and the current CPN was formed in a new form.

Socialism with Nepali characteristics

Since the establishment of the Communist Party, all the communist parties and constituents have replaced the first letter of their names with the word 'Nepali'. This seems to be trying to send the message that 'this is not only a communist party within Nepal, but also a communist party with Nepali characteristics'. Even looking at international trends, it seems that the name 'Chinese Communist Party' exists in China and 'Indian Communist Party' exists in India. Not only the name, but the newly formed NCP has also specified its political program as 'Scientific Socialism with Nepali Characteristics'. Now the NCP must clarify the political, economic, social, philosophical basis and characteristics of socialism with Nepali characteristics.

Maoism-Jabaj Debate Resolution

The newly formed NCP has specified Marxism and Leninism as its guiding principles. With this declaration, two issues are theoretically in the discussion. On the one hand, some have raised the question of abandoning 'Maoism' in the pre-Maoist circle and on the other hand, abandoning 'people's multi-party democracy' in the pre-Unified Socialist circle. However, what should be clear is that both these streams have entered a new phase without abandoning their previous programs. Especially during the time of Mao Zedong, the stage of revolution to be completed before moving to socialism in countries that were in a semi-colonial and semi-feudal state was defined as the 'New Democratic Revolution'. In the Nepali context, the same stage of revolution was mainly synthesized as 'Maoism' during the Maoist 'People's War'. In the recent period, with the restoration of the Federal Democratic Republic, the program of the socialist stage was naturally moved forward after it was determined that the revolution of that stage was basically completed.

Similarly, the same thing is true in the context of the people's multi-party democracy advocated by the then UML and the Unified Socialists. People's leader Madan Bhandari had called the stage of revolution to be completed in countries that were in the same semi-colonial and semi-feudal state people's multi-party democracy. With the people's revolution of 062/63, which was combined with the 'People's War' and the people's movement, the revolution of that stage has been completed. In this sense, it is correct to understand that Jabj has not left but has entered a new socialist phase. If Madan Bhandari were alive, he himself would have called for people's multi-party socialism by now. Some have even commented that Madhav Nepal and others have left Jabj. Since KP Oli himself had already abandoned Jabj during the formation of the then NCP, this comment does not seem to be logical. In this sense, it is correct to understand that Jabj has now entered a new socialist phase.

Future challenges of the NCP

Certainly, not only are there glimpses of opportunity before the NCP, but there are also challenges. The current NCP has a large number of leaders/activists who have developed mainly from the 'people's war' and the people's movement. Naturally, schooling has changed. On the one hand, we must respect the sacrifices and martyrs who lost their lives in the armed 'people's war', and on the other hand, we must appreciate the blood, tears, and sweat of the warriors who sacrificed their entire lives in the peaceful people's movement. Everyone should readily accept the fact that the people's revolution of 2062/63 achieved great victory through the integration of the 'people's war' and the people's movement.

There are also many lessons to be learned from the NCP split in the past. Although the broad theoretical questions regarding unity have been resolved, organizational problems remain to be solved. In this context, on the one hand, it is imperative to incorporate the psychology and spirit of unity, and on the other hand, it is necessary to build agile and working committees. There are also many lessons to be learned from the NCP split in the past. It is natural to have large committees during the transitional period of unity. However, the situation where huge committees remain forever, where democratic discussions are not possible in practical terms, and where only a limited number of people in the leadership ultimately impose decisions must end. For this, a general convention of committees at all levels must be held immediately.

The newly formed NCP must be ready to address the legitimate demands raised in the Gen-G rebellion. Ensuring good governance, simplicity in service delivery, ending instability, preventing corruption, social justice and guaranteeing people's livelihood must be kept at the center.

At least, the mistake of always confusing the youth as the leaders of the future should not be made anymore, they must be made partners of the present. For that, a three-in-one system must be adopted in party committees at every level. There should be no further delay in involving the new generation in the ideas, experience and guidance of the previous generation from the policy-making level to the implementation level. For this, a scientific method of leadership development, transfer and generational transfer should be determined and implemented firmly.

Searching for broad left unity

With the unification of ten different left parties, a new debate on unity and polarization has begun in the Nepali communist movement. In the past, there were certainly many theoretical differences in terms of the form of the movement to the program of the Nepali revolution. However, in terms of the analysis and synthesis of the present and the future, there is no longer much distance and difference in theory.

At this time, we are at a very serious and critical juncture in history. The question of protecting the achievements gained through the six-decade-long people's struggle and the sacrifices of thousands is becoming very complicated. The question of where the future of the entire communist movement lies is becoming more important than where any party or leader belongs. If we do not free the communist movement from the disease of falling prey to personal ambition, arrogance and conceit despite unity in thought and principle, it will be a blow not only to the new generation but also to the country. It is said that history does not force us to learn, but it punishes those who do not learn. If we are not going to be punished, then there is no alternative to learning. Therefore, Nepali leftist parties must be ready to answer the tough questions asked by history.