The practice of nationalism, which legitimizes the ‘supremacy’ of a certain color, religion, community, and class and ‘otherizes’ the rest, is prevalent all over the world, and the foundation of such nationalism has not been broken in Nepal either. Nationalism is also a cultural concept, which has created a certain discriminatory view of oppressed castes and communities.
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After the Gen-G rebellion, while the interim government was expanding its cabinet, it was announced that Tasi Lhanjom from Humla would become a minister representing the Gen-G generation. As soon as the name was made public, the propaganda that ‘he is not a Nepali citizen’ gained widespread. Not only the politicians from the Khasa Arya community, but also the younger generation made a great effort to prove that he was ‘not a Nepali citizen’ based on his facial features, lineage, and language.
Tasi, a member of the Himalayan tribal community, had to prove her Nepali citizenship by making her ‘citizenship’ public. Due to the dominance of Hindu hill nationalists, the tribals have had to prove to the state and the ruling caste that they are ‘Nepali citizens’ time and again. This is a poor example of racial nationalism. It is not only an attack on the sovereignty of the country’s citizens, but also a racial atrocities against the indigenous people.
The Madhesi community has had to bear such atrocities even more. A certain type of hill elite is still not ready to accept the Madhesi as Nepali. Even now, the Madhesi community has not been able to free itself from the compulsion to submit a citizenship certificate to say ‘I am Nepali’. Racial hill nationalism is so dominant that if a Madhesi raises his voice on issues of national concern, he is immediately given the status of an ‘Indian agent’. The Nepali state is not in favor of accepting the Madhesi.
Dr. Sangeeta Kaushal Mishra's citizenship was also used as a weapon to prevent her from being included in the interim cabinet. The main reason behind the omission of Sangeeta Mishra from the Madhesi community in the government formed on the basis of such a huge Gen-G rebellion is hill nationalism.
Not only this, racial nationalism is not ready to give human status to the indigenous people who are in a very critical state of extinction or to the Dalits who have been subjected to historical economic-political and socio-cultural oppression and oppression. Such racial nationalism created by the ruling caste and community has not been able to respect the diversity and plurality of Nepal even now. The practice of nationalism that legitimizes the 'supremacy' of the monopoly of a certain color, religion, community and class and 'otherizes' the rest is happening all over the world, and the foundation of such nationalism has not yet been broken in Nepal.
Foundation of nationalism
In Nepal, it seems that nationalism and nationality are used in the same way. Nationalism is inherent in the country's geography, people, caste, language, culture, and sovereignty of all. In building a prosperous country, internal nationality must be strong, for which an environment must be created in which all sovereign citizens within the country guarantee equality.
Only if internal nationality is strong can national unity be built and resistance against external interference be possible. On the other hand, nationalism is a right-wing and reactionary concept against nationalism. It legitimizes the racial superiority of a certain race, community, or nation, attacks or 'otherizes' the existence of other communities, and rejects coexistence. It does not accept the civilization, language, culture, and existence of other communities. Racial or ethnic superiority that institutionalizes the monopoly of one race and caste is the foundation of nationalism.
Nepal is a country with a diverse collection of civilizations, castes, languages, religions, and cultures, meaning that Nepal's nationality becomes strong only if the existence of all is accepted. However, the Khas Aryas continue to dominate the Nepali state. The nationalist concept of one caste, one language, one culture and one religion, based on the dominance of the hill Khas Aryas, established by King Mahendra, is still in practice. It considers only the Khas-Nepali language as the Nepali language and hesitates to consider other mother tongues as Nepali.
Hates other castes, linguistic and cultural communities. According to the 2078 census, there are 142 castes and 124 mother tongue speakers in Nepal. Of these, only about 45 percent practice Khas-Nepali as their mother tongue, while 55 percent practice their mother tongue. However, the Nepali nationalist concept does not accept the mother tongue population as ‘Khanti’ Nepalis. Such a discriminatory nationalist concept is the foundation of racial or ethnic nationalism.
Nationalism is also a cultural concept. It has created a certain discriminatory perspective on oppressed castes and communities. For example, the thinking, thinking and behavior of considering people who do not speak the Khas-Nepali language or those of different ethnic and cultural backgrounds as being manipulated by foreigners and making non-national agreements are the products of racial nationalism. The view of hesitating to call Madhesis Nepalis and seeing indigenous peoples as Tibetans is the product of this single-ethnic cultural concept.
Since the past, the oppressed ethnic groups, Madhesis and marginalized communities of Nepal have been continuously struggling against racial nationalism based on single-ethnic dominance. However, the oppressed and marginalized communities have not yet been freed from the compulsion of the citizens of the country to affirm that ‘I am Nepali’. Therefore, unless the foundation of nationalism based on ethnic arrogance, hatred and hatred towards marginalized communities is broken, internal nationality cannot be strong, and a socio-cultural environment with justice and equality cannot be created.
The consequences of nationalism
Nationalism spreads ruling arrogance. In such a state, especially oppressed groups are not allowed to easily question, criticize, and resist the state. If those communities raise legitimate and rational questions, the stick of racist nationalism is used and, on the contrary, it is prohibited. The foundation of US President Donald Trump's nationalism is anti-black community, anti-immigrant and anti-women tendencies.
His practice of nationalism was manifested from spreading hatred against black people and immigrants to the level of deportation. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Hindu nationalism has been expressed against Muslims and marginalized communities. In this way, nationalism that forcibly prohibits immigrants, black people, different religious groups, and marginalized groups and spreads hatred naturally gives rise to rebellion by excluding and suppressing communities other than those around the economic, political, and cultural power.
In the context of Nepal, racist nationalism also appears violently from time to time. After the incident in Tikapur, the state brutally suppressed the Tharus. Tharu houses were burned, museums were burned, and they were beaten. However, the oppression of the Tharu did not touch many Nepalis because the nationalist concept made it difficult to accept the Tharu as Nepali. Dozens of people were killed by government oppression during the Madhesh rebellion. However, nationalism did not hurt the heart.
Six young men were brutally murdered in West Rukum due to an interracial love affair. That also did not touch Nepali nationalism. What all these series show is that the rulers and the groups around them do not see them as Nepalis in such serious issues. Instead, they behave hostilely. Such nationalism closes the paths of national unity, mutual respect and cooperation. As a result, the country and the people cannot take the path of progress.
Nelson Mandela had to struggle for a long time against the oppression of the then state against the blacks in South Africa. He had to struggle for a long time against the white community's racial nationalism-based regime that discriminated against and oppressed the majority of black people inhumanly and criminally, and to build a state of equality, justice, and coexistence.
This means that oppressive nationalism leads to internal and external conflict or war. Therefore, nationalism does not make the country stronger, but rather leads to weakness and risk. In the context of Nepal itself, the situation where Nepali citizens are not treated as Nepalis has become stronger. This naturally leads to conflict because the oppressed community is no longer ready to tolerate oppression.
If respect and self-respect for Nepal's ethnic, linguistic, and cultural diversity are denied, it will not allow a society with integration, cooperation, and coexistence to be established. The progress of society and the nation is impossible without mutual benefit and collective efforts. Therefore, transformation into ideas, perspectives, and behaviors based on racial nationalism is an essential requirement for the protection of the identity, self-respect, and sovereignty of all citizens.
Gen-G Rebellion and Nationalism
Fed up with the misrule of the state rulers, political parties and their leadership, the Gen-Ji rebelled against the state. This has created a stir in the old political parties, their leadership, rulers and bureaucracy to some extent. However, there is a need to intensify the resistance against traitors with nationalist ghosts. It has been revealed that high-ranking employees who earn salaries and allowances from the people's taxes have taken foreign PR and green cards for a long time.
Are such employees who think nationalistically but live with foreign identity cards patriots or traitors? Shouldn't the nationalists who forced Tasi Lhanjom to prove that he is Nepali ask this question? There are reports that a large number of Bangladeshis have gone abroad by misusing Nepali passports.
Are the brokers who sell Nepali passports to foreigners in this way nationalists or traitors? Shouldn't they be questioned about their treason? The Nepali people, who are facing border encroachment, are fighting with foreigners every day to protect Nepali land. On the other hand, the people who are fighting on the border are busy making foreign contracts with the very people who are fighting on the border. Should those who sell land like Koshi and Mahakali be nationalists, and should Nepalis who fight to protect their land prove that they are Nepalis? The struggle of oppressed communities will not stop until such arrogance in the name of nationalism is put to an end.
The magnificent Gen-G uprising that took place in Nepal last month is not only necessary for the transformation of governance, but also for the fight against nationalist arrogance and the racial hegemony that 'otherizes' marginalized communities. Naturally, nation and patriotism are essential. However, the oppression of oppressed communities by traditional ruling castes, communities and classes under the guise of nationalism cannot transform the state and society.
For the overall development of Nepal, the racial monopolistic tendencies in the ruling power, racial nationalist behavior, the arrogance that only Nepalis are me, and the exclusion and hatred against marginalized communities must end. Until an environment is created where people of diverse castes, languages, religions and cultures can live as self-respecting and self-respecting Nepalis, discriminatory racial nationalism will continue to grow stronger. Such nationalism is against the interests of Nepal and the Nepali people.
