Amid mounting pressure to hold a regular or special general convention, a new chapter has begun in the Nepali Congress after President Sher Bahadur Deuba unannouncedly retired from the executive role and handed over the responsibility to Vice President Purna Bahadur Khadka. Amidst the increasing pressure to hold a regular or special general convention, a new chapter has begun in the Nepali Congress, which has been synonymous with serial controversies, disagreements and power struggles. After Deuba announced in the ongoing central committee meeting that he would hand over the leadership from the upcoming general convention, a serious debate has begun about future policies and leadership.

In the new political situation that has developed after the Gen-G rebellion, Deuba's announcement seems to have created a relatively positive environment in terms of the general convention and leadership handover. Despite the bleakness of such a changed scenario, there are signs of hope on the horizon. Therefore, the upcoming general convention is an opportunity for the Congress, which is going through a transition period in terms of both policy and leadership, and a test for Acting President Khadka and the Congress people. 

In a country where about 30 percent of the population is middle class and pro-democracy intellectuals, the ideological and class base of the democratic party is not weak. But why is the democratic Congress, which has a relatively strong ideological and class base, becoming weak and unpopular?

Has the Congress's policy become irrelevant or is it a failure of the leadership? Is there a possibility of the Congress being revived after the end of the Deuba era? What is the future roadmap of the Congress? What kind of leadership will be established from the upcoming general convention and what policies will it adopt? It is not unusual for such questions to arise and be debated on the eve of the general convention. If the Congress is to be restructured and transformed, it is essential to objectively analyze the question and set a roadmap for the future.

Mandatory general convention in Mangsir

Congress leaders and activists have been demanding a regular 15th general convention in Mangsir itself, which is natural. General Secretary Gagan Thapa has proposed to hold the 15th general convention within the month of Mangsir and has publicly announced that he will not submit a proposal to extend the term of the Central Committee. If it is not possible to hold a regular general convention due to lack of time and technical reasons, he has also presented the option of holding a special general convention within Mangsir.

On Sunday, about 53 percent of the general convention delegates submitted written signatures to Acting President Khadka demanding a special general convention. If the UML is holding a regular general convention and the Maoists are holding a special general convention in Mangsir itself, how is a general convention of the Congress not possible? Therefore, without saying if, but, but, or but, the Congress should also hold its general convention within the month of Mangsir. This is a democratic, legal and accountable process towards the people and cadres. Therefore, the ongoing Central Committee meeting should announce the date of the general convention along with the calendar. 

Since Deuba has retired from active politics due to health reasons and has been handed over the responsibility of the acting president, and his term will also end in the upcoming Mangsir, it seems inevitable to hold the general convention in Mangsir for both political and technical reasons. On the other hand, a special and extraordinary situation has been created in national politics after the Gen-G rebellion. Why, how and for what reason did the major political force from 2007 to Bhadra 22 reach the brink? For the first time since its establishment, a movement has taken place without the participation of the Congress, and the movement has displaced the Congress. How did this situation arise? Is it the weakness and unpopularity of the party leadership or the failure of the government? Is it a policy failure or a strategic and tactical failure? 

In such a special and extraordinary situation, the supreme body that can discuss and debate these entire political environment and questions and reach a conclusion is the General Convention. It is necessary to conduct serious self-reflection and introspection on these issues, apologize for past mistakes and weaknesses, and also self-criticize. Therefore, there is no alternative to the General Convention under any pretext. But despite such unavoidable circumstances, if the Central Committee does not decide to hold the General Convention within Mangsir, there is no better option than holding a special General Convention as demanded by the General Convention delegates in accordance with the statute. In this scenario, the General Secretaries Gagan Thapa and Bishwaprakash Sharma should play a leading role in restructuring, transforming, and purifying the party by holding a special General Convention. 

Visionary leadership with generational transfer

Among the demands of the Gen-G rebellion, a new leadership with generational transfer is the main one in the party. Now is the time to develop and transfer leadership with generational transfer according to the feelings of the people and the Gen-G generation. But the process of leadership development and transfer in the Congress has been extremely complex, controversial, and confusing.

This is why there were not only disputes in the past, but the party itself was also divided. Now, a rare window of leadership development and transfer has opened from the center to the ward. This has the potential to revitalize the Congress. For a leadership with vision, confidence, and willpower, a crisis is also an opportunity in another sense. The Congress is facing challenges now. But the need today is leadership with a vision and confidence that can transform those challenges into opportunities.

It is necessary to bid farewell to not only the president, but also to some second and third generation leaders who have been in the leadership ranks for a long time and have been unpopular despite getting opportunities time and again. Leadership development and transfer through generations, not on the basis of seniority, dignity, and lineage as in the past, but on the basis of vision, image, and popularity, is the need of the hour. This conclusion is not an appeal or prejudice towards any particular generation, but only that the minimum qualifications and standards of leadership have been determined according to the sentiments of the Nepali people and the younger generation. Visionary, struggling and energetic leadership with a clean image who can lead the country, people and party in the face of the current complex challenges is a prerequisite for the revival of the Congress. 

Now is not an era of positions, but of performance. The leadership of both the government and the party must perform. A glorious and struggling history alone is not enough. A party and leadership that guarantees a happy future is the desire of the people. Therefore, a party and leadership that is not past-oriented, but future-oriented is the need of the hour.

In fact, the people have not sought a ruler, but a servant; they have chosen good governance, not rule; and they have wanted delivery, not government. A leadership in which the people do not trust can neither run the party nor the state. There is no need for such leadership, and there is no future. All Congressmen need to assimilate the reality that the current failure is not the failure of the party, but the failure of the leadership. 

After the Gen-G rebellion, after introspection, self-reflection and self-criticism, General Secretaries Gagan Thapa and Bishwaprakash Sharma have been firmly in favor of restructuring, transforming and purifying the Congress with an apology. Gagan-Bishwap's ideas, proposals and initiatives have conveyed a message of hope not only to the Congressmen, but also to the people and the young generation. Therefore, Gagan-Bishwap needs to play a leading role this time by strongly intervening in the party and taking its proposals and initiatives to a decisive point. This time, they have no room for delay, nor for failure like in the past.

It is necessary to reinterpret the principles and adopt a timely policy 

It is necessary to adopt not only a new leadership, but also a new vision and policy for the new era from the upcoming general convention. Nationalism, democracy and socialism are the guiding principles of the Congress. Until the end of the twentieth century, any party tended to be established for certain principles and ideas on a specific political philosophy, principle and class basis. Not only the Nepali Congress and Communists, but also the Democratic and Republican parties in the US, the Conservatives and Labour in the UK, the BJP and Congress in India were also established with the same objective and process.

But in the era of the fifth industrial revolution in the twenty-first century, the classical method and trend of forming parties only on the basis of traditional ideologies or specific ideologies has changed. The problems of the twenty-first century are more complex and challenging than those of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. New problems and challenges such as economic inequality, climate change, temperature increase, sustainable and green development, ecological imbalance, unemployment, artificial intelligence, gig economy, digitalization, and immigration have been created. There is no possibility of solving these problems with classical theories and policies.

Now, ideas, policies, and agendas are the main priority for the people rather than traditional philosophies, ideologies, and theories. But the people are not interested in and are not a priority for big, empty, and abstract ideologies such as the widely used jargon socialism, liberalism, Marxism, communism, and democracy. Direct and immediate economic development, rule of law, good governance, corruption control, accessible service delivery, quality public education, health, transportation, employment, transparency, and accountability are the priorities of the people.

Now, the people are looking for people-oriented policies and delivery more than scriptures and theories. If they are not converted into policies and programs that solve the problems of the country and the people, there is no justification for empty theories and abstract ideologies. Therefore, a dynamic and policy-oriented Congress is the need of the day rather than a classical theorist. Its conclusion is that the politics of theories and ideologies has not ended, but the era of delivery has only begun.

The main agenda of the general convention is to pass a clear roadmap for a prosperous Nepal by conducting a serious and objective review of the principles, ideas, and policies that have been followed so far. In order to build a prosperous and just society envisioned by the Congress, it is necessary to revise, explain, and re-explain its ideas, principles, and policies in a timely manner. But it is not just paper documents for formality, but a resolution with a concrete commitment to build a prosperous Nepal and a new Congress should be made. Otherwise, the conclusion that the people have no basis to trust the Congress may seem unpleasant and harsh to the Congressmen, but this is the reality.

Reorganization and transformation of the party system 

Reorganization and transformation of the Congress is the most important but complex agenda. Since the Congress is a leader-led party rather than an organization-led party, the constitution and party system are leader-oriented. The party structure is extremely clumsy and unnecessary. The structures from the center to the villages are not dynamic and functional.

It seems that the leaders and workers of the Congress have also been giving special priority to power over principles and to factions over the organization. The Congress workers are also not people-oriented, but leader-oriented. They visit the leaders' houses, not the people. Therefore, from the leaders to the workers of the Congress, they have become alienated from the people. The internal democracy of the party is weak. The decision-making process is also not legal, participatory and inclusive. Therefore, most of the decisions have been controversial.

It is unlikely that the Congress will be revived on the basis of the existing party system. If the Congress is to be reorganized, fundamental and comprehensive reforms should be made in the party system, structure and membership system. A responsible and accountable leadership system should be developed and institutionalized in accordance with the basic principles and character of the democratic party. It should no longer be a leader-oriented party, but a policy-oriented party. A system should be developed in which party workers are not loyal to the leader, but are accountable to all the people, from the leader to the workers. The membership system is also controversial and control-oriented.

Membership is distributed based on factional objectives, strategies, and mathematical addition and subtraction, not from the perspective of the party's future, popular base, and organization expansion. But the democratic party should also make its organization and membership system democratic and liberal. The two membership systems, active and general, should be abolished and a single membership system should be implemented. Similarly, it would be preferable to radically change the ticket distribution system, which has been the most controversial since the upcoming general convention, and develop a new system in which tickets are distributed through primary elections.

Similarly, intellectuals, professionals, and experts and distinguished personalities established in their fields do not have a fair place and role in the Congress. Therefore, they are not attracted to Congress politics. Since intellectuals, professionals and experts can make a positive contribution to a democratic party like the Congress, it is necessary to implement the provision of 'lateral entry' (ensuring their proper place and role in the party through a special process). Because as long as the Congress cannot become a common platform for all democrats, it cannot be revived.

On the eve of the general convention, the permanent faction seems to have disintegrated and a new polarization and equation has developed, which is positive in terms of party reorganization and transformation. Now the chapter of a party based on cadres, full-time cadres and lifelong leadership has come to an end. It would be appropriate to have a constitutional provision that the leadership of the party and the government will be automatically ineligible for two terms and mandatory retirement or executive roles at the age of 65 to 70.

Similarly, fraternal organizations other than youth, students, women, workers, indigenous-tribals, and Dalits should be reconsidered and abolished. Benevolent organizations in the non-political and professional sectors such as employees, professors, teachers, doctors, lawyers, engineers, and journalism should be abolished. Transformation is not possible without restructuring the organizational system itself. Therefore, to ensure such a comprehensive and comprehensive reorganization and transformation process in a legal manner, the statute should also be amended from the upcoming general convention. It would be appropriate to have intensive discussions, debates and deliberations on these overall policies, leadership and agenda of the upcoming general convention, not only in the session of the general convention, but also from now on.