At this time, the streets are heated against the administrators of the Federal Democratic Republic established in Nepal. The house is heated. On the social media, all the leaders of the ruling political parties, top and ousted, small and big, are being harshly criticized. In order to weaken the mental condition of the people who are ignorant of the games and pranks of politics, the businessmen and thugs who have given up their Nepali identity are engaged in the business of politics through social media. The country's politics is at a surprising juncture.

Even after two decades of change, why could not respect be generated in the hearts of the people against the leaders of the political parties who established the state system of the federal republic in Nepal? Why was there a strong hatred against them? This question has been answered many times from different angles. Our political party leaders have not been able to handle their aspirations. They are busy singing their own stories rather than explaining the political changes and their achievements. This trend has started to be reflected in the society in a loud way now.

Political parties are in a big crisis right now. The party leaders have not been able to live up to their theoretical and political commitment. Congress, which is the facilitator of multi-party democracy in Nepal, looks strong on the cover, but in reality it is very weak. It has abandoned its political ideals and conduct. Its chairman Sher Bahadur Deuba's 'democratic awareness' has fallen victim to old age. Once an astrologer told him that he would become the prime minister half a dozen times, he has been waiting for his turn. Lately, Chairman Deuba's politics has been focused on gaining power. Despite appearing strong on the cover of

, the organizational situation of the Deuba-led Congress is in shambles. The organization is in ruins due to the factionalism of leaders at all levels. Congress has lagged far behind in Madhesh province, which was once the base of Congress. The situation is the same in other provinces. Congress workers in Madhesh are attracted to non-Congress political parties and groups. The promises of strong governance, competent administration and organized development by the Congress have turned out to be empty. Democratic socialism has been lost in history. Sincere leaders/activists of Congress have been sidelined due to the ineptitude of the leadership. The feeling of inferiority has grown among the workers who have seen the happiness and success of the leaders. Chairman Deuba's leadership has not been effective. He is doing politics by counting the number of MPs. He understands the pressure of elite politics in Nepal. Today's Deuba does not reflect yesterday's Deuba.   

In the latest phase, Shekhar Koirala, who entered the active politics of the Congress from the Koirala family, has set his sights on becoming the party president and prime minister. As an important member of the Koirala family, it is not unusual for him to have such a goal. Now, looking at his political passion and career, there is no room to doubt his leadership ability. If he moves forward in mind, word and deed on the path set by the founding leaders of the Congress, he can become the conductor of change.

This is an irony: almost all the moderate leaders who are close to the Deuba leadership and who are not, have fallen for the greed of power. It is seen that the Congress leaders have followed the comment that 'politics cannot be won without spending money' which was raised in the last stage. The politics of Gagan Thapa, a young Congress leader who is considered suitable for national leadership, seems to be colored by the ups and downs of logic and emotions. He is active. His nature also seems helpful. However, it has not been seen that he has been able to instill credibility in the party line and the Nepalese people towards his leadership. His time seems more focused on sporadic and retail politics  .Chairman Deuba is considered an expert in the politics of 'adjustment'. One 'quality' in his political personality is this, he is skilled in making political alliances easily. After the Congress was defeated in the elections for the first time during the parliamentary period, he ran the government by merging the former Panchs. At that time, the UML formed a minority government under the leadership of Manmohan Adhikari, a well-known leader of the Nepali Communist Movement. The dissolution of parliament by that minority government was failed by the Supreme Court. At the same time, the no-confidence motion against the government was passed by the Congress. Against this backdrop, the officer-led government was ousted.

This should also be considered as a political irony - now one year has passed since the UML-Congress led government formed by UML President Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli and Congress Chairman Sher Bahadur Deuba. However, the government has not been able to achieve any achievements worth counting. The Congress-UML government formed under the leadership of Oli with the agreement to advance the agenda of constitutional amendment is currently running on the basis of 'unlawfulness' and opportunism. Both Congress President Deuba and UML President Oli seem to be in a moody state. That is why there is neither any strength in the government's policy nor understanding among the elected parliamentarians. The trend of unemployed people moving abroad in search of work is increasing. Agriculture and industries are run by trusting God. Financial achievement is zero. This government of 'Socialist' Deuba and 'Populist' Oli has only given birth to 'musal'. The current government is running in a tyrannical and tyrannical style.

Prime Minister Oli's party UML is more unstable than Congress. Oli-led UML has risen to the peak of crisis after former President Bidya Devi Bhandari decided to give up the 'mana-rice' facility and the alleged honor that former Presidents get for living and become active in the party. A group of people who are dissatisfied with Oli have started organizing in favor of Vidya. They are not in favor of Vidya because she will do any miracle. They need knowledge to avoid Oli's corruption. 

After the formation of the coalition government of Congress and UML, the Maoist party, which was sidelined from power, is caught in the mire of contradictions. After leaving the furnace of power, President Prachanda is entangled in the net woven by himself. Whether in Nepal or abroad, communist leaders want to hold onto the party for life. However, the Maoist leaders who were born in the climate and soil of Nepal and grew up in this soil have started speaking in the style of President Prachanda. Even after coming from the underground life to the open society, Prachanda did not want to make a fundamental change in his role. In this way, the top leaders of Congress, Maoist and UML parties have the same intention. Prachanda, the leader who is known as the agent of change, does not want to see himself in a parental role. Every successful leader is besieged by vested interests within the party. After Prachanda's repeated ascension to power, the siege around him seems to be even tighter. 

The nature and conduct of the political parties of Nepal is not suitable for the federal democratic republic, the development of the leadership that can strengthen the internal politics of the party for the country's development is the need of the day, the system of the party chief eventually becoming the prime minister cannot take the party forward. There is no doubt about it: "Either the Raj of Hastinapur or the residence under Chapari" every militant leader who fought in the people's war is looking for the reward of a successful struggle. It is natural to seek such a reward, but it is unjust to try to deprive any capable warrior of the reward. Prachanda did not understand this. However, he is entangled in the game of dividing his own workers.

In summary, this must be said: The nature and conduct of the political parties of Nepal is not suitable for a federal democratic republic. For the development of the country, the development of leadership that can strengthen the internal politics of the party is the need of the day. The system of the party leader ultimately becoming the prime minister cannot take the party to the top. A method of closely studying the activities of the government and giving instructions can be very useful for Nepal. However, the parties do not want to move forward in that direction. The distribution of power and strength can benefit both the government and the organization. However, the current system does not allow this kind of competitive concept to go forward. People who have little knowledge of Nepal's history must have understood that after Prithvi Narayan Shah's unification campaign, the ruling power fell into the hands of the Shah dynasty only for a short period of time. What would have happened if King Tribhuvan had not escaped from the capture of the Ranas? No one can say. Due to health, King Tribhuvan could not rule by himself. 

After the demise of King Birendra, the republican system established in Nepal became inevitable. Girija Prasad Koirala, the then chairman of Nepali Congress, who was trying to dissolve the decade-long people's war under Maoist leadership, did not propose to remove King Gyanendra and bring in a 'baby king' in order to preserve the existence of the monarchy as much as possible. However, that was not possible. Even though Prithvi Narayan Shah said, "My country is not a country of small sorrows, it is a flower garden of all castes", but his successors were more interested in "fun and happiness" than in the welfare of the country. As their service provider, Rana Tantra dominated the state for 104 years.

After Gyanendra Shah left the throne, two decades of the federal democratic republic have passed. However, during this period, powerful sources of discontent and unrest began to appear in the country rather than the light of peace. After the country became a federal republic, there was hope among the people that the country would take a leap of economic progress. This was by no means an unnatural expectation. The Nepali polity, before and after Prithvi Narayan Shah's unification, has always been dominated by feudal lords. Those feudal lords were never under anyone's control. The Ranas kept the country under their control by enraging those feudal lords. King Mahendra came under the influence of these feudal lords and started a dictatorial system called Independent Panchayat. Even in the current republican system, feudalism dominates.