I think the history journey and the train journey are the same. When the train reaches an unwanted track with a difference equal to that of a parrot, then it reaches another destination. That is, as soon as there is a small disturbance at the junction of Lick, the train to Delhi reaches Baranasi. The train coming to Silgadi reaches Goa. The journey of history is like that, a small incident changes its entire speed and direction.

This is how it turns, the effect of which lasts for years. If we think about it, if King Mahendra had not deposed the elected Prime Minister on 1st January 2017, what would have been the history of Nepal? If BP Koirala had called for reconciliation not with the king, but with the then communists, what would have been the picture of history created by that reconciliation? If King Mahendra had not passed away in 028 but lived for another thirty years? If the Congress and the communists had joined together in favor of a multi-party system in the referendum of 2006? If the failed sector scandal (043) had not happened under the leadership of Mohan Vaidya and if Prachanda had not come under the leadership? What if Madan Bhandari's accident did not happen? Had there not been a palace massacre and former king Gyanendra had not deposed Deuba as incompetent? These are only some representative events, which have changed the entire map of our history. And then everything has turned upside down.  

But history is not only influenced by events. They are influenced by the dreams of the society. Influenced by the contemporary world environment. Affected by relations of production. Influenced by political conflicts. They are influenced by the wisdom and vision of the leader. That is, there are many dimensions that influence history. And, most affected by political trends. 

What kind of weaknesses we are seeing in Nepali politics now, where are the roots of it? At what point in history did we become motionless and why did our journey not progress as expected? What were our historical weaknesses that made our state, politics and politics fail? And why is our politics and state failing? In this article, we will discuss four trending problems that Nepali politics has inherited from its historical legacy. Which will not only give us a reference to reflect on history, but will also give us some additional questions and visions to look at the present in a new way.  

Indifference and confusion

The first weakness we have inherited from the historical legacy of Nepali politics is indifference and confusion in preparing to institutionalize change. Be it 007 year, or 046 or 064 year, our leaders were always ready for the movement, but the preparation of the power operation that will be obtained after that was nowhere and never seen. In other words, our politics wrote the document of the movement, but did not make any strategic preparations for politics. Our party and leaders have neither a plan to increase production, nor preparation for job creation. Neither a plan for social justice was seen, nor a blueprint for development and prosperity. Neither a strategy to make radical changes in education was seen, nor a plan to make significant progress in health. Writing the document of the movement, creating a slogan and implementing it finely are two different things. Our leadership only knew how to write the slogans of the movement, but did not know how to implement them. As a result, since history we have been reveling in gossip and change has been limited to speech.   

It is clear that, for us, the revolution of 2007 was the first attempt to go towards a golden light. Who overthrew the Rana regime and brought democracy. It was such an event, which gave freedom to the people and gave them many dreams. But what happened? The leaders had no blueprint for the necessary policies, structures and strategies to institutionalize democracy. They certainly had a sweet slogan to drive the movement, but there was no 'bridge' to connect it with people's dreams. As a result, empty-handed they entered the palace and enjoyed the status quo. For example, the work to be done after 2007 was the creation of a constitution, free elections and the establishment of a democratic governance system. Preparing for economic growth and job creation. Guarantee of rule of law. Expansion of education. Analysis of the risks that may come to democracy and strategic homework to overcome them. But due to the lack of preparation, the priorities of the government were being neglected. The regression was growing. The leaders got stuck in the thicket. And, the situation was completely different from what was expected, and the leaders had no idea, vision and master plan to solve it.

Nepali Congress under the leadership of BP Koirala won a historic majority in 2015. But it must be said with sadness, he did not have a reasonable strategy to make the power result-oriented and secure. Due to the lack of preparation, BP, despite being the Prime Minister, could not use the security forces and information system appropriately. Due to the lack of preparation, his leadership could not properly manage the ambitions of King Mahendra. Neither structural preparation was seen, nor strong security arrangements. Neither an effective geopolitical relationship was seen, nor a strong defense of citizens. Realizing this weakness, King Mahendra easily assumed power and Panchayat came. This incident makes it clear that the leaders from that time were good at talking big and abstract, but they did not have any special skills and willpower to make the intricate plans of the Rajkaz.

This weakness came again through the years 007 and 015. The people's movement of 2046 threw away the panchayat system. But then what happened? And why citizens could not feel democracy? The same thing comes, lack of strategic preparation. Neither the political parties and leaders had a detailed plan to democratize the state, nor an action plan for government reform. During the agitation, the slogans used repeatedly were land reform, job creation, guarantee of good governance, separation of powers and independent judiciary. Qualitative improvement in education and health. Poverty alleviation and social justice. But it was confirmed that these were only slogans, when the leaders again entered the Singha Durbar empty-handed. They had no strategy to institutionalize change and connect it with people's lives. They neither had a priority of work to be done, nor a blueprint for prosperity. As a result, the dissatisfaction grew and on the basis of that, the Maoists started an armed struggle. 

The people's movement of 2063 established the Federal Democratic Republic. And a new constitution came in 2072. But the same problem repeated itself. Because the leaders had neither a plan for federalism nor a republic when they were entering the Singha Darbar. What kind of federalism and what kind of republic? No one had any sensible homework. Neither the leadership had a mature approach to understanding the new system, nor an implementation plan. That is why, even after a decade of federal democratic republic, the basic laws could not be made. The peace process stalled. The condition of education and health was deteriorating. It has been forty years, the slogan of land reform has been raised, but there has been no land reform. 

was called Naya Nepal in a loud voice. But how is agriculture in the new Nepal? How is tourism? How is the infrastructure? There was no plan. The Maoists, who had just returned from the jungle, spoke in a colorful manner, but in a recent speech. They neither had the economic model of the new Nepal, nor the systematic blueprint of socialism. Of course, the parties had talismanic plans written in the party document, but how to implement them, there was no end of it. It happened that the leaders who wanted to write socialism in the constitution were themselves in a dilemma about what socialism is and how it works. And, over time, he himself became a broker and middleman. Thus, movement and change were limited to slogans. No one did their homework to orientate it in the plans to transform it into a state.

continuous movement 

was the second historical weakness seen in our politics, the psychology of continuous movement. Since history, Nepali politics has been a victim of such inferiority complex and narrow-mindedness that some people are always hesitant to take ownership of the change here. Democracy is not enough for them, democracy is not enough for them, republic is not enough for them, socialism is not enough for them. They need a movement with a new name. New achievements with new names are needed. This problem is especially acute among communists. That is why they reject the achievements of some historical movements in Nepal and are afraid to take ownership of them. Let's be clear here, politics is definitely dynamic and it always tries to move forward. In this sense, the dynamics of politics should be accepted. But denying the achievements of every movement increases instability and results are not institutionalized. 

Let's see some examples that match this context. Like, the communists never fully accepted the democracy of 2007. They took it as a continuation of the 'feudal' power. Due to this, the democratic forces and the socialists were like travelers on two shores. There was neither cooperation nor friendship. As a result, the viewpoints of the Congress and the Communists were also different regarding King Mahendra's 'Ku'. And, it divided Nepali politics for a long time. 

In 046, multi-party democracy was restored. But UML never accepted that achievement wholeheartedly, instead it made democracy a tactical tool to achieve multi-party democracy. According to Madan Bhandarized People's Multiparty Democracy, the UML's strategic goal was multiparty democracy. They were supporters of the principle of accumulating power through the use of parliamentary democracy and moving towards socialism through multi-party democracy. The Maoists went further and destroyed the parliamentary democracy and aimed to create a People's Republic of Nepal. Their philosophy was Maoism. That is why they rejected the achievement of 046 and armed conflict started.

Even now, this is the case with some Madhesh forces, tribal groups, fierce communists and royalists. They are not satisfied with the latest changes and are motivated by the psychology of constant movement. But the strength to address these rebel psychologies is not seen in the mainstream politics, nor in the leaders. Movements will be result-oriented only with honest efforts to take ownership of achievements and deliver the dividends of change to the citizens. Otherwise, the continuous movement will lead to confusion in institutionalizing the achievements. The crisis we are facing today.

Hostile competition

Our third historical weakness was the paradoxical relationship between transformative forces. Paradoxical in the sense that, our parties always seem to be in the same place in the interests of power. But political competition is always hostile and prohibitive. When Pushpalal once brought a policy of joint people's movement against the panchayat, BP on the contrary pushed for reconciliation with the king. After 046 when the era of Girija Prasad Koirala started, he made the political polarization even more hateful by saying that Male, Mandala and Masala are the same. What's more, the Communists went further and listed the Congress as the main enemy in their documents. While doing all this, they forgot that they had cooperated together in the movement yesterday. And, forget the historical obligations to cooperate even more. 

may be due to the global influence of the Cold War, the Congresses were never soft towards the Communists and the Communists were always prejudiced towards the Congress. Due to this disagreement, 036 years escaped from the hands of the democrats and the Panchayat continued for another 10 years. Of course, these parties cooperated for democracy in 046, but when the obligation to institutionalize democracy came, they deviated from that obligation. After 051 years, time went by in such a way that for the Congress, the Punches became dearer than the Communists and the same Punches became dearer than the Congress for the Communists. 

What harm did this polarization do? This weakened the national interest and the interests of citizens. Hostile competition between parties diverted politics from agendas. The parties backed away from the obligation to institutionalize democracy together. The drawing of national policies could not be done. The parties started to deviate from that role because of the need to demonstrate national unity in the special agenda. The geopolitical complexity was not properly addressed. Everyone made everyone naked and finally everyone became naked. Politics has become dirty and it is taking away the respect of truth. Due to the unhealthy polarization within the party, the social harmony at the local level was destroyed and the harmony between the citizens was destroyed by party narrowness.  

lack of order

is another historical weakness of ours, self-absorption, narrow-mindedness and lust for power. After coming to power, Nepali leaders did not show any enthusiasm for change, nor ability and willpower. Neither integrity and ethics were seen, nor foresight and awareness. They were always engrossed in the velvet raga of power and no 'disorderly' attempt to change people's lives was started.   

For example, the people's movement of 2046 opened the door to multi-party democracy, but the Nepali Congress and UML were more worried about the rise of power than democracy. The result, the leadership was involved in the arithmetic conditions. The party broke the party. That is why the middle of the middle of the middle. Because of this, the political syndicate was wandering. Therefore, the election was becoming costly. And so, the parties lowered and stubborn broiled parts. Neither laws have been made noter to them, nor policies have not become his head, nor became dominant, nor did the democratic values become headed. It was also a leadership of politics taking up democracy for a power. & Nbsp; & nbsp;

2063 BS made the basis of the federal democratic republic. And, in 2072 BS, a new constitution came. But how to institutionalize the federal democratic republic, leaders were not interested in it. Instead, the sovereign rights leaders of 3 million people became centralized in leaders. Democracy was narrowed in the governance through the Government. The syndicate of the syndicate is stronger. The parties made stability slogan in this way that the day of the fabulum was made of stability. Of course, in the middle of the Congress leadership, the Nepali Congress leadership did some work, UML started decision of development through its own village. But it was neither leadership and leadership to rise above the self-suffering of the built. The results, the administrative structure kept. The pattern of service flow remained older. With not additional efforts in economic development. New resolve to create employment. The leaders did not look back on the agenda of making the living standards of the people, inclusive policy and return to the underdeveloped the geological balance. Federalism is limited to the temporary paper. & Nbsp;

is in the heart of the people in the heart of the people's heart, one of the sides of corruption. Yesterday, the skin of the snake skin was sold in the Panchayat, a forest, and the idol was stolen, this kingdom has come today. Milloweric lives have corruption, today, for taxes for UB today. It is constantly running out, and the federal democratic republic has not been broken. The last movements made the political grounds of modern Nepal, but the leaders failed to get up above corruption, morality, and standard of republic politics. The successful movement for them became the great day, that the achievement was great, all depression to make the achievements of human lives. Rajisma is the continued in a traditional affairs of traditional affairs. There was no visibility to break it and raise.