Last week, two main references became the 'talk of the town' in Nepali politics. First, the rebuttal made by former President Bidya Devi Bhandari after the UML Central Committee revoked her renewed membership.

Second, opposition leader within the Nepali Congress Dr. Shekhar Koirala's sudden political activism . 

There have been many comments on the first reference . Former President Bhandari's active political comeback was becoming a subject of criticism. Despite that, when he entered the political arena after leaving all the benefits received as a former president, it caused a great shock within the UML . And it became a matter of serious interest even for the ruling coalition.

Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba asked Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli to 'stop' him saying that it is objectionable for a person who has become the Supreme Commander of the Army to enter active politics. Ever since the talk of Bhandari entering politics started, Rust Oli canceled his membership from the Central Committee and blocked his way to join the UML. However, Bhandari countered and asserted that she is in the UML saying that the membership given by Madan Bhandari 45 years ago cannot be revoked. In other words, the 'Oli-Vidya conflict' that has been growing in UML will not end immediately. Where and how the outcome of this conflict will be will be known in the coming days. 

This column will focus on the second context i.e. Koirala's latest political forays. 

Koirala's latest activism shook not only the Congress, but the entire political circle. There were reports that he was trying to form a new alliance by referring to his meeting with Chairman of Maoist Center Pushpa Kamal Dahal (Prachanda), former President Bhandari and others. Koirala called a meeting of MPs/leaders near him. Near him, the leaders also indicated that another front blockade is being attempted against the Deuba-Oli alliance . Some even announced that he is the 'prime minister after Oli'. Koirala's 'move' made waves for a few days, but now it has subsided . However, why suddenly Koirala became more politically active ? Why meetings and consultations started outside the party circle ? The questions are alive . 

• Koirala's desire to keep himself active in the political scene is also an exercise aimed at Congress.

Koirala, who has a weak mathematical balance within the parliamentary party, was really practicing another government's blockade? Or what was the message he wanted to give by increasing political activism? In order to break the story, the critics also comment that this activism of Koirala is an incitement of power interests who want to create 'controlled instability' in Nepali politics . However, he has tried to convey three messages by increasing political meetings.

First, he wants to make the leaders of the ruling coalition feel the pressure . He was constantly speaking publicly on the issues of corruption and misrule. He also opined that Congress should take the leadership of the government. Koirala did not understand that the coalition government will not collapse unless there is bitterness and disagreement between Deuba and Oli, who are exercising almost sole power in Congress and UML. However, he wanted to create pressure on the ruling leadership by discussing the alliance and its functioning with the leaders of the opposition parties. It seems that the pressure was felt somewhere by Deuba asking him not to distrust the alliance after meeting him.  

Second, to make your presence felt in national politics . Koirala is in opposition role within the party . Even in national politics, he continues to oppose the activities of the government . Despite this, he was not able to play the role of making a wave in national politics . Earlier, when there was a coalition government of Congress-Maoist, he made his presence felt by 'Koshi rebellion'. Koirala showed his status by making the leader of his group Kedar Karki the chief minister in Koshi state with the support of the then opposition UML. Which was termed as 'Koshi Rebellion' by the leaders of his group. 

The incident of forming a government together with the opposition UML when there was a power alliance with the Maoists was a violation of party discipline. He was also criticized for violating discipline within the party. However, he was not prosecuted. Instead, Deuba and the then Prime Minister Prachanda met him and jointly signed a memorandum stating that they were 'committed to the alliance'. The Congressmen of the Koirala group were excited by that incident. A leader close to him says, "Koirala wants to show his influence and presence through the current activism". There is no decision in the Congress that should not be made during the fifteenth convention . However, Koirala has reached the convention. Who will be the next leader in Congress? The question is very important and important. The law does not allow Sher Bahadur Deuba to be a candidate for the chairman again. Therefore, the debate and interest of Deuba's successor is more in the Congress circles. In a way, all the leaders who are contenders have already gathered in their own ways in the preparation of the convention. After being defeated in the fourteenth, Koirala is waiting for the fifteenth congress. He has been constantly raising his voice that the convention should be held on time. Koirala's desire to keep himself active in the political scene is also an exercise aimed at Congress. Koirala, who suffered an honorable defeat in the fourteenth Congress, has considered himself a natural contender for the upcoming Congress.

But, the important question is that, as Koirala thought in the fifteenth Congress, he will reach the original leadership. What will the congress be like for them? Is the current activism and running for his political destination meaningful or productive? These and other such questions related to his political future are also subject to consideration. 

Koirala's political destiny will depend on the balance of power within the Congress. Like, now there are mainly three groups in the Congress . A Deuba group, which is the strongest in terms of mathematical power balance . Second, the group under his leadership. Dissatisfied and estranged leaders from Koirala Deuba like Balkrishna Khand, NP Saud and others are expanding their group. However, Chief Minister Gagan Thapa, who was with him in the fourteenth Congress, has stayed away. Especially Thapa's third group is becoming different. However, Thapa has been saying that he will not form factions and that he will end factions. However, the number of those who want to see him as the next president within the Congress is increasing. With the country-wide movement, a different group of Thapa is being formed in an unknown way. 

Moreover, Koirala and Thapa supporters insist on bringing these two leaders together . Thapa has not officially said that he has left the Koirala group. However, judging by the coldness in the relationship between these two leaders, it will not be a new scenario if Koirala and Thapa become each other's candidates in the upcoming Congress. Therefore, Koirala's political future will also be determined by how his collaboration with Thapa develops . 

The strongest 'asset' of Koirala, who has aspirations for future leadership, is the vote he got in the fourteenth Congress. He was Deuba's strong competitor. His closeness and relationship with some leaders who are now called Deuba supporters are also viewed in a meaningful way within the Congress . Another advantage to him is that he is a member of the Koirala family. However, BP's son Shashank Koirala has also aspired to become Deuba's successor . It is difficult to say how much Shekhar will get the benefit of the family legacy when there is not only one candidate from the Koirala family. However, he also has the legacy of the Koirala family . Congress leaders themselves say that Deuba has sometimes said in informal conversations that the next leadership will be returned to the Koirala family. If such a situation occurs, he can also be a claimant. However, these compatibility alone will not be enough to reach the leadership. 

Koirala also has its shortcomings. Like, the presence of Koirala in the Parliament is not the same. Parliament is the place where national issues are debated. It is the place where policies and laws are made. Everyone is interested in what kind of opinion the aspiring leader of the main party of the country has on national issues. Koirala's parliamentary role is weak. He rarely attends parliament and casts his votes. Secondly, he is a true follower of BP Koirala . He advocates democratic socialism . But, what is the political program of the Congress? Will BP refine the democratic socialism now? How much more debate and discussion is necessary on this ? Koirala's role has not been seen and felt in this area as well . For example, Chief Minister Gagan Thapa has raised the debate that Congress should carry the political program of social democracy while refining democratic socialism. What is Koirala's opinion on that? Or what is his political program? Koirala needs to address these questions as well.

In a recent meeting with Koirala, he was saying, 'I am thinking of increasing my presence and role in the Parliament . I have been raising political/ideological issues in the internal forum of the party.' He was adding, 'I am very interested in interacting with friends of the new generation.' I am meeting with friends of the younger generation so that new thoughts and ideas can be exchanged. A close aide says, 'He is missing out on media mobilization, interaction and activism on social media, collaboration with the younger generation within the party . Koirala's weakness is that he has no experience of holding a government position.' However, he becomes so soft that sometimes he fails to take solid decisions . He is dissatisfied with one of his close allies, appears to be a compromiser when he is confused about his ability to make decisions or tries to appear too balanced. They are especially flexible with the establishment of the party. However, he tried to show himself as a dynamic leader by calling a meeting of the group after the fourteenth convention. He also showed parallel activism with the aim of keeping the party leadership under pressure. However, Deuba did not wear a tail . Some of the important meetings were sidelined by not moving. 

There was a time when Koirala was accused of going to Deuba camp. After Deuba and Koirala were seen on the same stage in various district level programs, such a rumor spread within the Congress circle . The opposition leader within the party has been accused of changing the rhythm towards the establishment. Now the scenario is different . Koirala is visiting the house of the leader of the opposition party. Sometimes Prachanda reaches his residence and expresses his anger about the working style of the government, sometimes he accepts the political arrival of former president Bhandari. It is not that the leader of one party should not meet the leader of another party, they should not have dialogue, but as Koirala met former President Bhandari to Prachanda and then there was another blockade against the government and it did not last even two days . The question arises, Koirala, who is known as a 'moderate strategist', has made a meaningful political run?