As the date of UML's 11th Congress approaches, the debate on who will be in leadership and what is its basis is increasing. Polarization also seems to be intensifying. There is also talk of former president Bidya Devi Bhandari coming as a competitor of current president KP Sharma Oli. From the Secretariat to the Central Committee, this party appears to be a private company of the Oli faction.

In the case of Oli himself, the possibility of others in the leadership until the next term seems to be zero. Sometimes even those who have spoken in Oli's place have looked like 'a snake in the shadow of an eagle' when they are in front of him.

Therefore, the disgruntled top leader who is alienated from him by staying in his own group, who is getting marginalized after the purpose, does not have the courage to compete. As a result, it seems that Bhandari, who has been sworn in as the President of the Republic of Nepal and is basking in national honors and facilities for that reason, has been put forward as Oli's alternative. It seems that Bhandari himself is in the process of creating and preparing the atmosphere to go to the consensus or the election itself. 

Oli-Bhandari, who were standing in the same stake yesterday, why are they facing each other now? There are also those who doubt that this sequence has reached the level of sure competition or that it is Oli's strategy to ensure smooth transfer of leadership to his 'Ace Man'. Many people think, what and who is the basis of Bhandari's courage and ambition, or Oli who is confident? Although it is possible to argue, it is not easy to find a concrete answer. 

From housewife to UML MP

Vidya's past and recent political journey, apart from her post-marriage surname 'Bhandari', is a yaksha question. Vidya Pandey, who started communist politics during her college life, became Madan Bhandari's wife after her marriage and ran the household.

UML General Secretary Madan, who was making headlines with his true speech, defeated the then Prime Minister Krishna Prasad Bhattarai in the election. Whereas, Bhattarai was leading the interim government with the participation of Madan's party at that time. With this, his discussion became more heated.

But he died in a Dasdhunga accident. In the by-election in Kathmandu-1, which became vacant after that, UML nominated Mrs. Bhandari as a candidate under the declared policy of 'turning mourning into power'. The UML was able to cash in on the white dress by converting public sympathy and goodwill towards Madan's widow, the mother of two minor daughters, into votes to win her MP.

Nepali Congress founding leader Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, who is known as Santaneta, was forced to face defeat again in front of the threats, prices, punishments and distinctions taken by UML to ensure Bhandari's victory.

Jas, Bhandari's legacy

Nepal's communist movement, in Lelin's language, was practicing multi-party populism (Baz) since 2007. Although Pushpalal Shrestha lost to Ganeshman Singh, Tulsi Lal Amatya and other four communist candidates reached the parliament in the 2015 general election. Pushpalal's commitment to the parliamentary system is seen since Mahendra fled to India after the dissolution of the parliament and demanded the restoration of the parliament. In the last decade of the 20th century, 'buzz' was established in West Bengal, India.

The eloquent and eloquent politician Madan, after becoming the Secretary General, added 'j' (of the people) to 'Baj' and made it 'Jabaj', he was also considered as its inventor, practitioner and thinker. UML was also institutionalized in parliamentary politics and the "hero" of UML was established. After his death Jabaj and CPN-UML were developed as synonyms but his death was explained and propagated by conspiracy theory without ever investigating deeply.

Instead, he was always placed at the center of UML politics. The party's policy of idealizing his eloquent speech, who did not get an opportunity to be tested in any executive role, also increased his stature after his death. UML never thought to critically explore and interpret Jabaj, but continued to accept it as Gayatri Mantra.

continued to educate every worker through political education and socialization. This process of deification took Mrs. Bhandari as the successor or karta of Madan, establishing the Bhasya as a legacy-maker, enhancer, and strengthener. In addition, it established him as a figure of power and the ideals of the UML as a legacy and continuation of his descendants.

because with the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the world communist movement and the two-polar world system 'end of history' and the spread of liberal democracy in the world perspective was the best option and strategy to save the communist in words.

The psychology of the party and the squad was developed in a similar way to education. As Madan's legacy, Jabaj was taken to develop and establish UML's policies and Mrs. Bhandari as a leader. In time, he was brought to the top of the UML's vice president and women's organization. It is clear that not only in Nepal, but in any central party in South Asia, women have not been able to reach this level with their own abilities and strength without the leadership or legacy.

It can also be said that, in the last decade, after building a Bhandari ladder to reach the leadership, the Chattu leaders of the party used him. Mrs. Bhandari, who did not have a relatively long experience in leadership and organization and had not been able to envisage a clear blueprint of specific goals, paths and destinations in politics, was forced to follow. Over time, she managed to reach the top of the state after being pulled from the center by beating Madan's political guru and other top leaders, who were involved in building a party organization in politics.

Republic, Oli and Bhandari

Bhandari, who spent her days in Delhi-Kathmandu for the treatment, rest and health benefits of the movement for the creation and establishment of the Republic of Nepal, got the opportunity to become not only the first woman defense minister, but also the president.

Far above the politics of factions, Jawaj and UML, the head of state, the nation's first citizen, the embodiment of inclusive participation, the Supreme Commander of the Army, the symbol of national unity, in which the entire Nepal and the changing world community felt proud, spoke, wrote and exchanged congratulations. But he had a large group of UML to help him in this journey.

The leader of that group was Oli. The benefits of companionship were also shared – like KP first, Vidya later. As a result, in the background of forming the CPN (NCP) and portraying himself as a powerful Prime Minister with the crooked determination to unify the communist movement and give the leadership to the UML, the position of the President was also given to the trusted Bhandari. Vidya's status can also be assessed by looking at Oli-Adesh's confession that Vidya, who stood as the head of state to administer the oath to the then Prime Minister Oli, 'doesn't need that'. It can be said, until then she was not the first, she was the first.

In our society, which believes in the politics of inheritance, Oli may have been suspicious of the slowly growing acceptance of Vidya among those who believe that UML grew up on the foundation of Madan Bhandari's ideas. As a result, the Vice President Bhandari was left outside the party leadership and started to manage. There are also those who say that Oli devised this solution because if Vidya is made the president, he will not only get his own rubber stamp worker position, but also avoid the situation of future leadership clashes.

Politics is so cruel that Nepal has a clear history of killing their own parents and siblings when there is a delay or obstacle in the transfer of power. Where is it easy for the male ego to consider women workers who have been promoted by themselves as competitors? For political gain and stability in leadership, the training and promotion of workers is to be carried up to the shoulders. Looking at it this way, it cannot be said that the confrontation between Oli and Vidya is only an appearance. 

Bhandari's luxury and dreams

Planning commission or secretariat, parliament or minister, apart from finding their quota for women from their villages and giving them opportunities, it is not seen that presidential institution played a role in working on women's issues especially marginalized in the state system during the academic period. Looking at the status of the then government and the confidence of the Prime Minister, a major and long-term change in the state mechanism and structure was possible if he wanted.

The luxurious routine of the former king, the unusual investment in the presidential residence and other structures, and the hours of jamming the roads and causing suffering to the common people were reflected in his mind. She never thought that in the name of royal rituals and tricks, the rulers and people's representatives should take steps to correct the misused power and resources.

It is relevant to remember the incident when he met his political adviser on the road while walking from Ratnapark to Hattigounda, as the road was cleared for the 'President's ride'. In response to the question, "Isn't it possible to change the flamboyant lifestyle and extravagant travel of a president with a communist background than that of a king?" he said uneasily, "This is a difficult matter." After reaching the position, the former revolutionaries are transformed into princes by the structure. Now he doesn't want to listen to the line that he needs to improve.'

There is a massive change in the fact that the President's road trip is possible without causing any inconvenience to the people. During the school days, there was more of a taste for power, not reform. As a result, he was forced to spend the days of his two-term road trip in public revulsion.

According to the constitution, the Council of Ministers will be responsible for the decision, responsibility and accountability of the actions taken in the name of the President. But in terms of politics, she was not a figurative president. She could have played a positive role in institutionalizing the republic and establishing a system. It will not be of interest to him either. She kept trying to get a ticket for her side in the former party, send a representative to the parliament or participate in constitutional and other appointments like a king.

In the name of saving the CPN, he had animosity with the politicians and diplomats of Shakti Rashtra, which did not suit his position. There was no such expectation from the highest office of a sovereign country. His UML fascination was also intriguing. The author himself is a witness of the President's "time" after months of following the initiative and tradition of motivating new foreign service officers and subbas, but most of the days in between were spent on "darshanbhet" to UML workers affiliated to one or the other area.

In terms of ensuring and institutionalizing internal democracy and the stability of the government, she had crossed the limit. In order to be free from the fear of elected dictatorship, as it is said, "Absolute Power Corruption Absolutely", the Constitution has given the President the right to study and reconsider all decisions coming from the Executive that may not be in accordance with the Constitution and the system. But she always failed to use it judiciously and honestly.

The prime minister at that time showed no hesitation in going against the meaning of the constitution and the votes of the parliament and the human rights in the events from the dissolution of the parliament to the deactivation of the citizenship bill. She worked hard to establish Oliji's stubbornness. She repeatedly surrendered the dignity and credibility of the head of state. In addition, she created a jumbo advisory group and administration mechanism at the level of the Prime Minister's Secretariat in the President's Office, but she could not confirm its justification and necessity.

She also forgot that she is above CPN-UML party politics, a symbol of national unity and a non-political organization Nepali Sena. Apart from enjoying the opportunities provided by the republic, there was no fascination and glory towards its context, culture, value, importance and meaning. Chet could not bear the dignity of the post she had received. Instead of institutionalizing and strengthening the republic, the new form of monarchy indulged in inventions, campaigns, actions and practices.

It can be said now, if there were arrangements and conditions to make the then student leaders Ramkumari Jhankri and Vinda Pandey the president at that time, who risked their lives for the republic when their lives were only in their second decade, and who were proud of the republic and adopted it, the politics of Nepal today would have taken a different direction.

and, even though they are now competing for the presidency, if they were to hold an open 'presidential debate' like the US, they would have found 'sister comrades' in the presentation of the blueprint for the future direction that the country should take in political-social consciousness. But it is difficult to get there in his lifetime if there is no great upheaval in the dense circle of patriarchy, where father, mother, brother, and sister-in-law cannot take their lives. 

In essence, Bhandari's return to active politics is a betrayal to the entire Nepal nation and the new system. is fatal. It does not appear precommitted and systematic. Therefore, his decision is a matter of concern and concern not only for UML but for the entire society. And, the line of the current UML requesting the former president not to return to active politics is correct. It may look like it will benefit Oli for the time being, because Bhandari is gaining strength to be able to compete with Oli.

Looking at Oli's love and line, it can be said to attack Bhandari to ensure his security in personal-centered and internal politics. When evaluated from a broad political point of view, these two failed characters who failed to produce results despite having a golden opportunity to lay the foundation of modern Nepal are not worthy of leadership of the next generation. But it is ironic that not a single person is seen as an alternative to challenge both of them from the old and the young, who have always cherished the aspirations of Oli's alternative, who have seen a legacy steward in the future leadership, who are not tired of carrying the bag forever and who have not started to gather their time and energy in leadership development.