After the peace process, Nepali politics revolves around the Maoist agenda. The achievements that have been made are basically due to the role of Maoists. Whatever the problems are, they exist mainly because of the role of Maoists. Maoists did good work, people got rights, Maoists did bad work, people's rights got reduced.

Doing well, the party became powerful and large. When you do bad things, you become small. A party is an idea, a policy and a method. Maoists became powerful when the ideas, policies and methods were correct. When the basic tenets of Marxism could not be assimilated quickly, it became weak.

Ideology right and wrong decide everything. Mao's conclusion that if the idea is right, the unattainable thing is also gained, if the idea is wrong, the acquired thing is also lost. With this in mind, Maoists are in for a serious introspection. Maoists have accepted the shortcomings of the past and are taking steps to correct them. During the last 18 months when President Prachanda was leading the government, after doing solid work against corruption, good governance and social justice, UML and Congress have come out of the danger index. Through dialogue with leaders-activists, Terai-Madhesh Awakening Campaign and Madhyapahari Awakening Campaign, relations with people have been expanded. Its goal is to create a new direction of action with transformation. This task is very difficult but not impossible.

During the war, Maoist did many good things by developing ideas, policies and methods despite many small and big weaknesses, and achieved extraordinary success in some respects. After assessing the overall aspects of the world, the country, the people and the party, the Maoists, who started a people's war, turned the war towards peace through the Chunbang meeting by properly assessing the changed national-international situation. At that time, the party was not only united, but also produced qualitative results. After the

peace agreement, Maoists separated from the discussion of ideas, policies and methods. As the self-interested debate continued, he was caught in the siege of opponents and opportunists while getting caught up in daily work. The Constituent Assembly received immense popular support in the elections, but could not save the party from division, nor could it make a constitution. The party, which won 120 out of 240 seats in the first Constituent Assembly, was reduced to 26 seats in the second Constituent Assembly. Even after that, Khumchin continued to grow. A serious surgery is needed to find out what ideological, policy and methodological flaws caused the collapse of the Maoists.

main and secondary cause

1. In the first Constituent Assembly, the Maoists had immense public support in the city. On 22nd of Chait 2064, the human sea of Urle was amazing in the meeting held at Birtamod, the fort of UML. In Jhapa, the Maoists won five seats. The people of Kathmandu gave President Prachanda victory and approved the people's war. Jhakku Subedi's victory in Kathmandu was miraculous. The people of districts including Kathmandu and Jhapa had hope and faith in the Maoists. The workers, the lower capitalists and the middle class were admirers of the Maoists. Failure to understand the signs of the above incident was a serious deviation of the Maoists. In terms of the socialist agenda, after the constitution is issued by the Constituent Assembly, Maoists should be strong in the cities and relatively weak in the villages. But ironically, in the parliamentary elections of 2079, he could not win even one seat in the union and province in Kathmandu Valley.

After the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly declared the republic, the rural areas and the peasants during the People's War remained at the center of the work, as the base of socialism was the city and the working class. The party gradually distanced itself from the workers, the lower-capitalists and the middle class. Maoists were alienated from the very source of the idea.

2. The Communist Party is the vanguard of the proletariat. Members are the foundation of the party. In the Communist Party, only those who organize themselves in committees, fulfill their responsibilities, follow discipline and pay their levies regularly are considered eligible to be party members. But the Maoists, like the Russian Mensheviks, adopted an extremely lax policy. The leaders themselves were made party members by depositing the membership fee and levy. The perversity of making party members without even knowing the person to be a member was seen. The burdens and dignity of party membership were ridiculed. After making party members according to opportunistic standards, the party became opportunistic.

3. There was confusion in the party regarding the successor. Three levels of thinking emerged. First, qualified leadership will be prepared after the leadership announces a successor. Second, if the leadership is opposed, an alternative leadership will automatically be prepared. Thirdly, after the devotion of the leadership, the successor will be automatically. Due to this kind of delusional thinking, there is a dearth of successors today. Maoists have a leader Bagrelti, but the workers have not seen a leader after Prachanda. It is difficult to tell Prachanda himself.

successors are prepared in two ways. First, if the main leadership is correct, the one who stands there and avoids difficulties wherever the role of leadership is not enough, he becomes the successor. As such, Engels stepped in where Marx's role fell short. Where Mohan Vaidya's role was not sufficient, Prachanda stood up. Marx and Vaidya therefore had no dearth of successors. Second, if the leadership is wrong, the one who counters by standing in the right place becomes the successor. Mao became the successor because he stood in the right place against the wrong thinking of Nirmal Lama and Mohan Vikram.

In the Maoists, a successor could not be prepared because one of them opposed Prachanda by standing as a class enemy and another supported him by standing as a chakribaz. Accidents can happen anytime if the congregation of true successors is not prepared. Therefore, the issue of successor in the Communist Party is sensitive. The leadership development beliefs of the bourgeois party and the communist party are fundamentally different. In capitalism, since the bourgeois party puts an end to the revolution, there is no need for a successor, only if there is a counter-revolution, a specific leader (dictator) is sought. The Communist Party believes in the principle of continuous revolution. A revolution constantly searches for a specific leader. Therefore, the issue of successor in the Communist Party often arises. 

4. During the People's War, Prachanda skillfully led through unity-struggle-transformation and synthesis. Prachanda, who was successful in large-scale class struggle and inter-struggle, was not able to come out in the peace period. Because, during the People's War, class struggle and inter-struggle were indirectly connected. It was less challenging to manage and synthesize. But after entering into the peace process, the class struggle and inter-struggle got mixed up. This issue was precipitated by the Dhobighat equation. This context is also helped by the hardships faced by Lenin and Mao during peacetime. If those who sincerely wanted to support Prachanda had understood this matter in time, the Maoists would not have fallen prey to disintegration and division. Attempts to solve

1. The party's central committee meeting held in January 2081 has taken a concrete decision to correct and clarify past mistakes regarding the socialist revolution. It has been made clear that the valley, Madhesh and the eastern region are the main centers of the socialist revolution. Positive results have been seen in a short period of time after the leadership prioritized and took initiatives in the activities of the party in the east and the valley. He took the lead in both seats and votes in the local by-elections and also in the lead in the Swabiyu elections. There was a

. In Kirtipur Municipality of Kathmandu Valley, UML destroyed its stronghold and took the second place. This historic decision of the Central Committee has paved the way to bring the derailed Maoist movement back on track.

2. The last legislative session has decided to take the wrong journey of the Maoists who are following Menshevik standards by making Bora party members. To end the loose practice of party membership, separate arrangements have been made for ordinary members and organized members. According to precedent, executive authority is vested in the constituent members. Now the organized members have to sit in the committee, fulfill the tasks given by the committee, follow discipline and regularly pay the levy set by the committee. A strong foundation of organized members built according to this standard and a strong party organization under the guise of ordinary members can be built. First of all, the main task of today is to instill confidence in the party line that qualitative results can be obtained by linking the central campaign of building tolls, units and cells with the campaign of production. This will prove to be a milestone in the building of a revolutionary party.

3. The communist movement cannot take stability without preparing a successor tribe. Lenin's understanding of the succession was relatively clear, but ill health forced him to face some difficulties in practice. When it came to leadership development, Stalin did not seem to have a balanced mind. The fact that Khrushchev was born from Stalin's womb also naturally raises doubts. In this regard, Mao's practice during the period of war and revolution was relatively correct. However, after the completion of the revolution in China, it did not give good results. Nominating Lin Piao as his successor was not his responsibility. Although the positive practice of leadership development in Nepal is directly connected with Prachanda's political life, it is not able to be synthesized. The debate that has been going on for some time is likely to yield meaningful results.

4. In the matter of understanding the interrelation between inter-struggle and class struggle, there is a serious confusion in the communist movement. The resolution of inter-conflicts through positive negation, transformation and synthesis, and the expulsion of 'garbage' in this process, must be taken for granted. But its practice cannot be done in a small circle. One should be able to figure out how class enemies and opportunists gain direct influence in the inter-party conflict and devise a strategy to thwart it. After Baburam's exit, the possibility of a repeat of the 'Dhobighat incident' cannot be ruled out after the emergence of interest groups and inter-conflict and class struggle in the party. Some signs of this have already emerged. Therefore, we should be able to solve the problem by learning from history. Otherwise, when the problem comes to the fore, the party and the leadership will become powerless and there is a danger of a counter-revolution.

Conclusion

The party moving towards the Menshevik path After the central committee meeting held in January 2081 led the party towards the Bolshevik spirit, seeing even a little sign of improvement in the image of the party and leadership is like a drop of water in the desert. To make it more effective, the leadership must be removed from the circles of blind devotees and sycophants. More precisely, the party must be freed from the pressure and encirclement of interest groups. It is not possible to break the circle without being harsh and it is not possible to get the expected results. Even if you are not involved yourself, the leadership should be aware of the

, which is a sign that interest groups are forming around the leadership. The disbanding of informally existing interest groups at the central, provincial and local levels should be announced with a collective resolution. People are looking for a Maoist with transformation. In other words, they want to see the divided Maoists, including Prachanda and Maoist centers in Sudhra, come together.