In a bistro in Baneshwar on Saturday morning, a young man was sitting playing on his mobile phone. He was probably watching a YouTube channel on his phone. While watching the channel, every now and then he would smile and every now and then his face would darken.

After a while, his friend came and asked, 'What does your YouTube astrology say?' He placed the mobile phone on the table and cheerfully replied - what does it say? I don't even have any enemies. But, he says, 'All your enemies will be defeated. It says you will become a millionaire in just seven days. However, it means that Suko has not been met yet.'' Deep disappointment spread on his face.

He told his friend, 'After persuading Baa, he mortgaged the real estate in the cooperative and got five lakh rupees to go for foreign employment. It has been two months since I paid Rs.350,000 to the agent. When will the visa fall, not immediately....'

This is not a movie dialogue. In the slums near the Tribhuvan Airport, such young people are found in thousands of restaurants and bistros. They are waiting for visa. Visa from anywhere: Dubai, Qatar, Saudi, Palau, Mauritania. However, there is no guarantee that the visa will come. It may come in a week. It may take a year. Even if the government gives permission to go abroad for employment, no one takes a guarantee. How many have run away after closing the shutters of Bagrelti, a manpower company that opened with the permission of the government. How many can escape.

Nepal, anything can happen here has become a commentary. How long will this human predicament last? No one can say. The government cannot take responsibility for this situation. The government has limited itself only to the level of allowing the opening of manpower companies and publishing the details of the amount earned from foreign employment. In plain language, the government and the manpower companies have run in partnership. The political leadership has been protecting that partnership. Everyone knows that such companies cannot function without political patronage.

The leader of Nepal cannot be called anti-development. Nor can their intentions be doubted. There is no basis to say that their work is completely wrong. It's just that, after coming into the circle of power, they were surrounded by the circle of narrow selfishness that "instills a little greed" in their minds and "makes them commit a little sin".

Changes are happening in the world. Small changes are always happening in Nepal as well. The independent Panchayat, which ran for two decades under the leadership of the king, was also reformed, after 2036 years. Then the popular movement of 2046 against the 'reformed' independent panchayat system brought together the king and the parliament on the basis of mutual consent. However, this change was not effective.

The Bharadars, who were the advisers of the king, tried to take back the king's 'dormant rights'. On the other hand, under the leadership of political parties including the Nepali Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal (UML), 'Laghutabhash' emerged.

From 2046 to 2056, a decade, relations between the King and Parliament began to deteriorate. After the victory of the Nepali Congress in the parliamentary elections held in 2048, the then General Minister of the Congress, Girija Prasad Koirala, who had the opportunity to lead the government unanimously, announced the mid-term elections with the aim of resolving the power politics dispute within the party.

Prime Minister Koirala thought that a single leadership would be established in the party and parliament after the elections. Contrary to his expectations, the Congress suffered a crushing defeat in the elections. Even the main opposition party Nepal Communist Party (UML) could not get the clear majority needed to form the government. The status of the Rashtriya Prajatantra Party, an organization of panchayat leaders, improved considerably.

Anyway, after the mid-term elections of 2051, a minority government was formed under the leadership of UML president Manmohan Adhikari. The Nepali Congress filed a case against it in the Supreme Court saying that the dissolution of the parliament by this government was unconstitutional. The Supreme Court rejected the dissolution of Parliament. Soon after the no-confidence motion was passed, the officer was relieved of his post. After that, a coalition government comprising the Rashtriya Prajatantra Party was formed under the leadership of Sher Bahadur Deuba, the leader of the Congress parliamentary party.

In parallel, the violent 'people's movement' of the Maoists, who were establishing themselves as the third force in Nepali politics, began. Why and how did this political situation come about? So far this mystery has not been opened. 

Whatever the people thought would improve the economic, social and political conditions of the country after the 2048 elections, it did not happen. The people's movement ended the direct rule of the king. However, the economic, social and political conditions could not be improved as per the wishes of the people. The reason for this was that the ruling class under the active leadership of the king did not end.

Even in the multi-party democratic system, they were still present in Dadu-Paniun of the state. The restoration of the multi-party system was very happy for the class known as 'Bhardars' of Kathmandu. They had a strong 'jakad' in the parliament. The government's policy-making, implementation and management were dominated by the so-called 'professionals' rather than the political leadership. However, dedicated his life to awaken the light of democracy in the country 

ing citizens, moneylenders, political activists who support and help the people in their sufferings, no one had access to that level of policy-making and implementation. They moved to the edge. Their work was limited to attending party functions, eating tea-biscuits and cheering the leaders.

Not only the Congress and the UML, none of the other parties saw the need to involve their activists in the administration. It was natural for the party leadership to be blind when the workers who could maintain coordination between the people and the government were kept aside. 

After this, the government handed over policy-making, financial management and implementation in the hands of those who prefer to call themselves 'professionals'. Foreign help was sought to meet the expensive 'salary' of the so-called professionals. At that time, one by one experts appeared in Nepal. New concepts of development started to be conceived. The 'planners' did not pay attention to the basic needs of the people like agricultural development, animal husbandry, rural roads connecting one village to another.

For the development of a small country like Nepal, the wrong plan was chosen fundamentally. What is the status of the various plans that started at that time? It needs to be studied. Let's take a look at two development projects adjacent to the country's capital. In what condition are the Bagmati Improvement Project and Melamchi Water Supply Project?

Certainly, the leaders of Nepal cannot be called anti-development. Nor can their intentions be doubted. There is no basis to say that their work is completely wrong. It's just that, after coming into the circle of power, they were surrounded by a circle of narrow selfishness that would "instill a little greed" in their minds and "make them commit a little sin".

It was not easy for the leaders and the people who were stuck in the circle of traditionalism to break that circle. Political leaders may have wanted some happiness for themselves and their families. They didn't even play politics to survive. However, the thirst for that 'little bit' was awakening in them. The system that has been playing for power for centuries has turned politics into a 'business'. An unprecedented change was also seen in the political workers of all parties after they started connecting with the big 'businessmen' who were operating invisibly. 

The civil war initiated by the Nepal Communist Party (Maoist) was becoming very influential in the early days. Maoist activists and supporters were determined to bring about revolutionary changes in the country. At the same time, Nepal is going through a transition period after the murder of King Birendra's family, Gyanendra Shah's ascension to the throne, his brutal dictatorship and the second people's movement.

Meanwhile, the Maoists have been more 'democratic' than the Parliamentary Congress and the multi-party People's Communists. For change, Maoists, who stood strongly first in the war and later in the movement, have come out with the epilogue that nothing can be done until the power is in their hands. This is also unfortunate: the 'third' power, which was once the savior of the poor Nepalis, is now failing on its own.

We the Nepali people have lost a lot during the continuous uprisings and protests. The Nepali people have nothing left to lose. Yet, we have a constitution sandwiched between blockades and the post-earthquake corona pandemic.