In the party political history of Nepal, one can hear and read accusations of ambushes, internal attacks and accusations in all parties. Congress is at the forefront of party politics in the general election. It is recalled that after the restoration of democracy in 2046 and especially from the by-elections of 2051, infighting in the Congress has been a very serious and complex problem. This incident more than three decades ago can be a history lesson for Congress youth. As an eyewitness to the incident, this article presents the immediate and long-term effects of bias/prejudice interactions.

Since the 2048 general elections, the seeds of infighting had been sown in the Congress, although it did not come to the fore in the way it did in subsequent general elections. The first and openly brutal use of interstellar weapons in the Congress began in Kathmandu-1 in the January 2051 by-election. The foreshadowing atmosphere was created in New York in the last week of October of the same year. When he arrived in 1991, the then President of the Congress and former Prime Minister Krishna Prasad Bhattarai was suffering from the problem of constant tears in his eyes. If the state fund was requested from the government, government support for Bhattarai's treatment could have been easily obtained from the then Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala. However, he did not make such a demand. His followers were ministers in the government but no one thought to help Bhattarai financially for eye treatment. 

During the student movement and then in prison, I had the good opportunity to know and meet Kisunji. With the help of some of my Canadian friends, Bhattarai's eye treatment was arranged in a famous hospital in London Ontario, Canada in the second week of October 1993. After about two weeks of treatment and rest, Bhattarai and I arrived in Washington, the capital of America, after Bhattarai met former Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau, the father of the current Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, at his law firm in Montreal. Bhattarai's trusted friend Yogprasad Upadhyay was ambassador to America there. It was a coincidence that on the same day the then Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala arrived in New York to attend the 48th United Nations General Assembly. Ambassador Upadhyay reached the New York airport to welcome Prime Minister Koirala as per his official duties. Pram Koirala sent Upadhyay away from there by saying, ``Nepal's representative for the United Nations is in New York. Please return to Washington to welcome Kisunji.''

After the death of public leader BP Koirala, the relationship between Bhattarai-Koirala and Ganeshman Singh-Koirala was only formal. Their relationship was never warm. There were psychological reasons behind this. Similarly, after Bhattarai was defeated in the 2048 general elections, the relationship between the two leaders could not warm up. The two top leaders of the Congress, Chairman Bhattarai and Prime Minister Koirala, though they were in New York and Washington, returned home according to their own schedule, without meeting or contacting each other. After attending the United Nations General Assembly, Koirala returned to Nepal directly after delivering a lecture on democracy and development at the Asia Society in New York on October 27, 2053. After Koirala left New York, Bhattarai and I returned to Nepal from Washington DC via New York and stayed in London, UK for a few days. 

At the same time, in Nepal, due to the death of Madan Bhandari, UML's general secretary and elected MP from Kathmandu-1, on May 3, 2050 in a jeep accident, the Election Commission was preparing by-elections in that area. Bhattarai's candidacy was also being discussed and reacted to in Congress circles. Pram Koirala suspected that the talk of Bhattarai's candidature and his meeting with US Assistant Minister Ravin Raphael and some MPs while he was on a visit to the US was meant to gain the country's support. During Bhattarai's visit to the US, the suspicions raised by the discussion of candidacy in the by-election became clear at that time as a reality when Koirala was in the US. Because, when in the breakfast lecture organized by the Asia Society in Washington DC on October 28, 2050, Bhattarai said that he is ready to stand in the upcoming by-elections and even become the Prime Minister if the people of Nepal demand it. At the same event, Philip Joseph, Chairman of the Asia Society Advisory Committee, while introducing Bhattarai, introduced that 'Bhattarai is currently the former Prime Minister and he is becoming the next Prime Minister of Nepal'. The Washington-based correspondent of Kantipur Dainik was also present at the event and the next day's Kantipur Dainik (August 29, 2050) carried the news under the headline 'Battarai ready to become Prime Minister again'. All this happened while Koirala was in New York.

 When he was the Prime Minister of the United States, the news that Bhattarai was 'willing to become the Prime Minister' from the by-elections to be held after a few months did not only disappoint Koirala, he took it as a big conspiracy against him. It probably wouldn't have been a positive thing for any other Prime Minister except in mutual understanding. On the other hand, the news that Bhattarai will be a candidate in the by-election played a major role in the polarization between Koirala and Bhattarai's group in the Nepali Congress. In fact, this incident and news became the formula for sowing the seeds of conflict in Bhattarai's candidacy. 

Regarding the possibility of by-elections in Kathmandu-1 and discussions and discussions, Bhattarai's visit to America and also the initial announcement of contesting the election from there, Koirala took it as a well-planned plan (conspiracy?). Koirala also suspected me of my role in bringing Bhattarai from Nepal to America via Canada. However, there was no difference in my respect and esteem for both the leaders. Then it was reflected in Girijababu's attitude and behavior towards me. Which took me a long time to change. When Koirala arrived in New York, there were rumors that Ambassador Upadhyay would be called back on the pretext of returning to Washington DC to entertain Bhattarai, who was not resident there (it is customary for the resident ambassador to the United Nations to accompany and assist the General Assembly). Ambassador Upadhyay called Bhattarai while he was in London and told him that the Prime Minister was going to call him back. Bhattarai said that since he was out of the country, he should immediately contact Supreme Leader Ganesh Manji over the phone and inform him to stop it.

After returning to Kathmandu after participating in the United Nations General Assembly, in the middle of a press conference at the airport, Koirala decided to resign after 'commenting on the undiplomatic behavior shown by Ambassador Upadhyay while he was in New York' (Kantipur, October 5, 2050). This decision of Koirala was not only a symbolic protest against the announcement of Bhattarai's unofficial candidacy in America, but it was also a sign of future symbolic steps if the candidacy was announced. 

After Bhattarai returned to Nepal in the first week of October 2050, his statement that he was willing to run for the by-elections while in America became a topic of debate within the Congress. Also, after Bhattarai was defeated in the general elections of 2048, the supreme leader Ganeshman Singh and Bhattarai were on one side and Pram Koirala on the other. A similar polarization took place among the second-tier Congress leaders and workers. On December 14, 2048, Pram Koirala sacked Ganeshman Singh and 6 ministers close to Bhattarai while participating in the official program as ministers without informing the party and without giving any indication to the concerned ministers. After this, the crisis of trust between these two leaders and Prime Minister Koirala had deepened. When it came to the by-elections, this polarization became the subject of real debate for and against Bhattarai's candidature. Finally, on November 10, 2050, the Election Commission announced the notification of by-elections for Kathmandu-1 and Jhapa-1 on January 25, 2050. On November 16, Bhattarai expressed his determination to be a candidate in that election. There was pressure from popular leader Singh, the majority members of the Congress Central Committee and a huge line of over 30 MPs and workers to pick him up. The opposition parties, the palace and other forces naturally played a role in increasing the controversy of the Congress. A few days before the nominations for the election, the Central Committee meeting unanimously approved Bhattarai's candidature and Koirala said that he would help in that meeting. But after 4/5 days in the party office, Prime Minister Koirala gave his opinion contradicting that decision. But due to pressure politics, around 20 Congress MPs said that if Bhattarai did not stand up, they would resign as MPs, eventually his candidature went ahead.

As the election campaign progressed, the cold war between Pram Koirala and the party president over Bhattarai's candidature grew. Negative comments about the functioning of their own government were also made the subject of election propaganda. Which Koirala took to mean that Bhattarai as the future prime minister was being pushed forward with such a strategy. As a result, at the height of the election campaign, on January 17, Koirala issued a 17-minute long statement saying, "How can I go into the election campaign when the party chief has intensified his voice of disagreement with the government's policies?" Koirala was also absent in the last general meeting on January 22. 

Bhattarai was defeated in the elections held on 25th January 2050. Bhattarai's party held a demonstration demanding disciplinary action against those involved in the clash, taking the massive infighting from his defeated party as the main reason. The Prime Minister Koirala group countered. This dispute between the two sides exploded into a major conflict. From January 27, 7,000 Bhattarai supporters protested at Singh Darbar and the party premises, saying that the people of the party had "lost because they voted for Surya". Pram supporters also took out a rally against it. In the history of Congress, such a big conflict between the popular and big leaders of the party has never happened nor will it ever happen. 

After a few months of internal tension, a mutual understanding between Koirala and Bhattarai in June 2051 temporarily halted the dissolution of the party. But the infighting in the Congress grew like a living germ at that time. At present, it has taken the form of cancer. One effect of this at the time was that factional politics flourished even within the parliamentary party. Finally, the MPs of that time were divided like party and opposition, called Singh-Bhattrai and Koirala Pakshadhar respectively from the nicknames of numerical adjectives Chhattise and Chauhattre. Distrust and misunderstanding between Singh-Battarai and Koirala continued as a cold war. One of the negative consequences of the conflict at the time was that on June 27, 2051, 36 Congress MPs, known as the Singh-Battarai group, absented themselves on the day of voting on the policies and programs submitted by their own government.

The Koirala government fell within three years and two months due to the failure of policies and programs. On October 29 of the same year, the country went to mid-term elections. Congress did not get a majority in the mid-term elections. Shrinked in the second. The conflict in the Congress was institutionalized (though there was some change in character, but the tendency did not change) and as an indirect result of this, the Nepali Congress split on October 7, 2059. Congress merged on 10 October 2064 with some side effects. In almost all the general elections since then, the Congress party has been infected with an internal disease like cancer. After every general election, the number of complaints filed in the central office of the party demanding action against those involved in interference is high. After the 2074 elections of all three levels, there were 1,300 such complaints, while the number of complaints filed after the 2079 elections is 2,100. These complaints came from those who lost the elections.