Sarlahi's Satyendra Kumar Ram and Neha Rauniyar converted their love affair into marriage. However, their marriage was not easily accepted by the Rauniyar family and non-Dalit society. On the other hand, on the basis of political connections, the news came out that Satyendra was abused by state power under the direction of Home Minister Ramesh Akhtar, the leader of the Nepali Congress.

It is not a common phenomenon that Satyendra from a common Dalit family was subjected to abuse of state power under the guidance of a decent personality writer who fought in favor of democratic political system. This is a reflection of the original character of the anti-Dalit monopolistic state power.

Democracy was established in 2007 after a huge revolution. Dalits also made great contributions and sacrifices in that revolution. Around 2010, when he was afflicted with smallpox, it was believed that cold worship inside the Pashupati temple premises would cure him. So Nhuchen Narayan Kapali of Kathmandu went to worship Sheetal Puja with his son Ratnaman but the police arrested him and sent him to jail because of his caste. Then there was a Pashupati entry struggle under the leadership of Saharshanath Kapali. The then Home Minister Tank Prasad Acharya, who created a democratic image, suppressed the movement.

The then CPN (Maoist) conducted an armed people's war for ten years by ending all kinds of discrimination including caste, caste, and gender and for building a just society. During the People's War, Dalits, women and marginalized communities made the most sacrifices in history. Ram Bahadur Thapa 'Badal' was a top leader of the Maoist movement.

On June 10, 2077, 6 youths including Navaraj Vishwakarma were massacred in Rukum's Soti because of inter-caste love affair. The then Home Minister Ram Bahadur Thapa gave an irresponsible answer to the Parliament's Law, Justice and Human Rights Committee on June 20 regarding the Rukum massacre. It was the language of oppression of the state power.

There are hundreds of examples of the state oppressing Dalits. Analyzing these representative events, even from the establishment of democracy to the Federal Democratic Republic, there has been no significant change in the state's oppressive character towards Dalits. Even in a democratic political system, Dalits are only a vote bank in the eyes of the parliamentary political leadership. When the political leadership becomes the protector of interest groups of contractors, middlemen and brokers, promoters of caste monopoly, it increases the oppression of Dalits. Because Dalits cannot contribute to his interests. 

State and political parties are still not ready to accept Dalits as power. That is why marginalized communities including Dalits flout the inclusive system that they fought for. Dalits reject the leadership as much as possible, insult the leadership established through hard struggle and use the language of oppression. In fact, the state and political leadership ignore the Dalits as much as possible, make excuses, try to keep them under surveillance, or else lure them. In this way, the state and its leaders are keeping the Dalits trapped. Basically, the character of the state is still oppressive to Dalits.

movement trend

Until the promulgation of the constitution in 2072, Dalits were an organized and unified movement. The subsequent Dalit movement has essentially been reactionary. During violence, atrocities and discrimination against Dalits, the movement appears and then becomes anonymous. The political system was changed through a long political-social movement, and a federal democratic system was established. However, an environment has not been created in which Dalits can effectively exercise even the limited constitutional and legal rights they have gained through the movement.

This has created discontent, anger and passion among Dalits across the country. Various small and large movements are also taking place in political and social circles. However, in the past two decades, a unified, organized and resistance movement is not being built. Some trending aspects of Dalit movement are discussed here.

One, political parties are the rulers of the democratic system. Most mainstream parties in Nepal did not include the issue of emancipation of Dalits who are living a difficult socio-economic life or ending the discriminatory caste system in the party's central policy and program. The then CPN (Maoist) had theoretically raised the issue of class and caste liberation. However, with the end of the people's war, the issue of Dalit liberation has almost disappeared.

In this way, mainstream political parties have neither a clear ideological vision of Dalit liberation, nor any plan to end the caste system. The Khas-Arya-led political party, which is benefiting from this system including the caste system, does not want to formulate ideas, approaches, policies and plans for Dalit liberation. On the one hand, this trend continues with atrocities on Dalits, and on the other hand, it does not allow the transformation of the discriminatory society.

Two, the political leadership of the Dalit community has been created in the midst of difficult political situations. Dalits have established themselves in political leadership to some extent by organizing, training and agitating the community even at a time when the extreme caste system did not rise. Dalit political leadership has the most important role in changing the political system and establishing the constitutional and legal rights of Dalits to a certain extent.

But as the Dalit movement weakened, so did the Dalit leadership. Anti-Dalit expressions come from the responsible leadership of the party, the Dalit leadership is humiliated and insulted, but the Dalit leadership is not intended to resist. Instead, they are bound to be damned in the hope that their 'political future', i.e. opportunity, will be secured if they remain silent. This trend has led to the destruction of the dream seen by Dalits on political leadership. 

Three, there is a need for a Dalit mass organization to organize Dalits, train them politically and participate in the rights movement, build Dalit leadership and help in the ideological vision and policy formulation of Dalit liberation in the respective parties.

All the political parties in Nepal have Dalit mass organizations, but for the past two decades, those organizations have been limited to formality. The main work of that organization has been to secure potential opportunities in the local, state and union. Such grassroots organizations have turned away from the direction of building a strong organization, training, building leadership and fighting for the liberation of Dalits. This trend is also a hindrance in the Dalit movement not being dynamic. 

Four, because of the character of the state, exclusion, discrimination and injustice, a lot of dissatisfaction and anger has arisen among the Dalits. The question of Dalit liberation is basically political. However, the dissatisfaction and anger of Dalits have not been addressed politically. Therefore, those angers are manifested through various groups or movements.

Such various movements seen in small and large groups have helped bring the voice of Dalits to the streets. Basically these movements are reactive in nature. Dalit political leadership and organizations, social organizations and these movements have not discussed, debated and debated on the issue of building an integrated campaign. An integrated movement with an ideological vision of Dalit liberation is the need of the hour. Another problem is the lack of sufficient initiative in building a unified and collective movement, not prohibition. 

Five, Dalits are in various parties, organizations and social movements. Not everyone has the same theoretical-ideological approach. Some may believe that the problem will be solved in a democratic system, others in a socialist system. It is not possible to bind all those who adopt all the ideas regarding Nepal with one theoretical idea.

Although there is a different approach towards the political system, it is necessary to create a clear roadmap to make the Dalit movement dynamic and struggle for more achievements using the achieved achievements. Regressive and anti-Dalit forces must be refuted, but the agenda of Dalit liberation must be strongly raised through a unified movement. In this process, the reformist side does the work of reform, while the revolutionary forces carry the agenda of radical change. Dalit movement lacks such coordination.

, the anarchist tendency is also increasing in the Dalit movement. The partisan or archaic tendencies of the caste system should naturally be opposed. However, not only the non-Dalits involved in the anti-caste system campaign with a sense of responsibility, but also the tendency to reject the leadership dedicated to the Dalit cause for life is not beneficial for the movement.

Upcoming journey

The Indian Dalit movement has a long history. In the 1880s, social reformers like Jyotiva Phule opposed the caste system. A hundred years ago in India in 1924, Bhimrao Ambedkar started an organized campaign against the caste system by forming the Bhaishkaran Hitkarini Sabha. India has been practicing a capitalist parliamentary system since its independence from the British colony in 1947. But the condition of Indian Dalits is still very sad. However, KR Narayanan and Ram Nath Kovind from the Dalit community became the President of India. Likewise, Ganti Mohanchandra Balayogi and Meera Kumar became Speaker of the Lok Sabha. 

He was also elected as the chief minister of seven provinces at different times. However, there has not been a radical change in the economic, socio-cultural life of Indian Dalits. The Dalit movement of nearly 80 years in Nepal established the Dalit question as a political agenda and brought the state and the party to an environment where they should at least think about this issue. Constitutional and legal rights were also established to an extent. However, despite the reform efforts, Dalits have not been liberated in the overall economic, political, socio-cultural fields. Therefore, it is necessary for the future Dalit movement to build a clear roadmap for Dalit liberation and move forward. 

All the political parties in Nepal have advocated for socialism. However, there is not much debate on whether that party will end the caste system in the socialist system or not. When the state is under the control of capitalists, contractors, middlemen and brokers, there is only formal democracy in the country, where the liberation of Dalits is not possible.

Therefore, the liberation of Dalits is possible only in the system of ending the caste system, radical changes in the economic life of Dalits and integrating them into the society with self-respect. Therefore, building such a socialist system should become a long-term strategy of the Dalit movement. 

In the case of Nepal, a clear vision should be created regarding the ideology of getting Dalit rights by ending the caste system. Naturally, the Dalit leadership or community is affiliated to different political ideologies or beliefs. However, it is important to be clear about the ideology or approach that can be adopted for the liberation of Dalits or for 'Dalit politics'.

For this, it is necessary to review the development trends of the Dalit movement, concrete analysis of the socio-political environment, and determine the goals of the movement. A serious political discussion is necessary for strategy formulation. Such a debate should form the strategy of the future movement and form the action direction of the unified movement.