On the day that Jen-G started the protest, demanding an end to corruption, 19 people were killed by government repression, and the next day, the demonstration intensified. On the same occasion, Singh Darbar, Parliament Building, Authority, Supreme Court, President's residence, media house and industrial and commercial centers were vandalized and set on fire.

The regular security of the Singha Darbar and the President's Office is also the responsibility of the army itself. Why didn't the army protect the office of the president or even his own sovereign? The question remains vexed even though the army is trying to make its point clear. 

The country was without a state for 9 hours after the resignation of the Home Minister of the government who first devalued Gen-G Awaz and later brutally suppressed it, and Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli himself resigned.

Prime Minister Oli resigned under the pressure of the heads of four security organs including the general after the police had to leave their own offices. However, after the Prime Minister resigned at around 1:30 in the afternoon, until 10:00 in the night, the responsibility for legal rule was null and void.

The army issued the notification only at 9 pm and took over the security command only at 10 am. But in these nine hours, private, commercial, industrial and public properties were destroyed and 54 people lost their lives in the violence of that day. 

At 1:52 pm on August 24, protesters entered the parliament building and vandalized it. Arson was also done soon after. By that time Chief of Army Staff Sigdel was at Prime Minister's residence Baluwatar. Chief Secretary Ek Narayan Aryal, then Home Secretary Gokarnamani Duwadi, Chief of Nepal Police Chandrakuver Khapung, Chief of Armed Police Force Raju Aryal, then Chief of National Investigation Department Hutraj Thapa were also there. Prime Minister Oli resigned after they "forced" him. 

The security chiefs, including Chief of Staff Sigdel, agreed not to use force on behalf of the security personnel in the demonstration that could take place on the second day. By holding a meeting at Singhdabar in the morning, they came to the conclusion that they would demand the resignation of the Prime Minister, reporting that the situation was out of control. Oli told the security chiefs who arrived at Baluwatar at 11:00 a.m. by telling stories about the international environment and opening up the history of Sikkim's merger with India and warning that there may be foreign interference in Nepal as well. 

'The situation became difficult when he started giving a long speech in a difficult situation, later there was a separate conversation,' said an official, 'It took a long time to explain to the then prime minister, the second level UML leaders were telling him to resign the day before. However, his own understanding of the movement was different, he argued that he could not shirk his responsibility as the country would be in crisis if he left.' 

Commander-in-Chief Sigdel said that since the situation had gotten out of control, it would be appropriate to resign. But after Oli's resignation did not come, the security chiefs held separate meetings several times inside Baluwatar. Later, Oli resigned after the heads of the Nepal Police, Armed Police Force and the National Investigation Department warned that 'If we leave now, we will return again, otherwise it cannot be said'. The resignation letter was also delivered to the President through the military security officer. 

After Oli's resignation, a military helicopter landed in Baluwatar. "At that time, 3,000 to 3,500 protesters had gathered at the main gate of Baluwatar, and the protesters had entered without flying when the Prime Minister's helicopter took off," a military source said, "In that helicopter were the Prime Minister's couple and private secretary Rajesh Vajracharya." 

Chief Secretary Aryal, Chief of Army Staff Ashok Sigdel, Home Secretary Duwadi, Chief of Police Chandrakuver Khapung, Chief of Armed Police Force Raju Aryal, then Head of National Investigation Department Hutraj Thapa, Valley Police Chief AIG Dan Bahadur Karki and others reached the war base in another helicopter in Baluwatar. UML leader Vishnu Paudel along with some remained in Baluwatar.  After the

, they passed through the Speaker's residence and went to the police headquarters, Naxal. They moved from Naxal only at midnight. After the violence outside, an emergency meeting of the generals was held at Jangi Adda on August 24.

"There was a discussion about whether or not the army will be deployed to prevent physical damage, high military officials in the war base and the valley joined the meeting directly and even the generals who were outside joined the meeting through virtual means," said the officer, "at that time, there were different suggestions about the steps to be taken by the army, and finally, Chief of Staff Sigdel concluded that we should not go the way of causing more human casualties in the name of preventing physical damage." Even the army was seen on the streets only later. By the time the army sent soldiers to the streets calling for help in maintaining law and order, the capital had already burned down.

"If it had been stopped earlier, there would have been no question of the army going with batons, the army has automatic weapons," an assistant Rathi explained, "that's why the army has gone to reduce the human casualties." After that, the situation that arose remained unannounced for three days under the control of Jangi Adda.

11pm to 2am First discussion with Jen-G 

Chief of Army Staff Sigdel also started 'political talks' after addressing the nation on the evening of 24 August. From 11:00 am to 2:00 am that night, he had a 'talk' with Gen-G representatives at Jungi Adda. Dheeraj Joshi, who participated in the talks with the army on the first day, says that initially there were grounds to doubt the role of Jangi Adda.

Gen-G representatives raised the issue of peace and security, but they say that the army is also ready to negotiate with regard to government formation. "On the first day and night, our one-line demand was that we should help in the restoration of peace and security, then we said that we would form a team and discuss more issues," he says, "The society was very scared that day." We said that in a situation like statelessness, we had to create an environment where the people can sleep happily.'' According to the Gen-Ji leader, some events happened at that time, which gave the army a chance to understand the expectations of the Gen-Ji and Gen-Ji to understand the views of the military. Gen-G leader Raksha Bam reminded Chief of Staff Sigdel to only discuss, not negotiate, at the war base.

"Whenever there is a negotiation, we need our president in the empty chair next to you, this is just a discussion," she said, "We expect peace and order to be maintained in a strange situation." "They said that the army will support the talks with President Paudel after the discussion is over," she said. 

Durga Prasai, who led the royalist demonstration on 15 Chait, also reached Jangi Adda for 'talks'. RSVP chairman Ravi Lamichhane, who is in Nakhkhu prison for the charge of co-operative fraud, was also in contact with the army after his release from prison.

When the army itself said, 'We discuss with all the stakeholders, Durga Prasain and Raswapa are also stakeholders', Jen-G was shocked. "When Durga Prasai and Ravi Lamichhane came from the army, I and Dheeraj Joshi walked out of the talks. We said clearly that this is a movement of Gen-G, Lamichhane and Prasain are not stakeholders. We came out saying that we are not ready to discuss on those terms' says Raksha. 

Although Raksha and Dhiraj came out, discussions continued in Jangi Adda between the army and a group including Sudan Gurung, Yujan Rajbhandari, Purushottam Yadav. That day, more than 20 Gen-G representatives arrived at Jungi Adda.

Everyone was met by Chief of Staff Sigdel. But as it is not possible to discuss with everyone at the same time, it was said to first sit in one place and determine the agenda and coordinator and come to the discussion. In that case, Gen-G representatives were sitting separately and arguing about what their agenda would be. 

According to Yujan, who participated in the discussion with the army, on the afternoon of August 25, a 22/23-year-old youth asked Chief of Staff Sigdel, "Are you trying to do a coup?" Yujan says, "If the army was trying to do a 'coup', we would not have called you," the army chief replied. From August 25, the army seemed to be fully supporting our agenda.' 

Top military officials say there has been a push for the army to take over. An officer says, "It is not that there are no instigating factors that the army should take over, but we are analyzing the long-term effects of everything. We talked to Gen-ji, Durga Prasain and RSVP. It only meant that no group would go out and protest tomorrow." 

President Ramchandra Poudel has already called for talks, the army officers say that they have helped to form a common opinion by keeping Gen-G, who are in different groups, in one place.

The Jin-Ji group was so large that it was not even possible to go and talk to the President at once. At that time, they were not trusting any state agency,' says the official, 'Kathmandu Metropolitan Municipality mayor Balen Shah also gave a message to be ready to talk to the army, so it was easy for the army to coordinate.'

Third day Briefing of foreign diplomatic missions 

On August 25, the army presence was thick on the streets, the top leaders were in the military barracks, not knowing each other's position and location. Some had started suspecting a 'military coup'. After the foreign embassies in Kathmandu started contacting the military officials with inquiries, the military attachés of the foreign mission were called to the military base at around 4 pm and a 'briefing' was held.

"In that briefing, the Commander-in-Chief said this is not a military takeover, it's not a coup," a foreign embassy official said, "We were assured that democracy is safe in Nepal after the Commander-in-Chief said so." There was even sloganeering outside the Jangi Adda against his name. But after the mayor of Kathmandu, Balen Shah, supported the name of Karki, the mood slowly turned in his favor. On August 26, Commander-in-Chief Sigdel had a conversation with Karki. The message of the recommendation of Gen-G representative was also conveyed to President Paudal. 

After Gen-G's recommendation, discussion with parties

After the recommendation of Gen-G representative, the Nepali Army also discussed with representatives of political parties. Some young leaders of the Congress and UML started giving the message that they should find an exit from the parliament to meet the demands of Gen-G.

There was also a proposal to make a new generation member of parliament the prime minister from among those in the parliament, and to choose him by Gen-G, which would be fully supported by the parties. But when Balen stood in favor of Karki, all the issues were overshadowed' said an official of the President's Office. 

There, President Paudel discussed with Constitutionalist Bipin Adhikari, Purnaman Shakya, Bhimarjun Acharya, Lalit Basnet, Surya Dhungel and others at Sheetal Niwas. In the evening, he met Maoist President Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Deputy Secretary General Varshman Pun. Around 11:00 pm Congress Vice President Purna Bahadur Khadka, General Minister Gagan Thapa and Vishwa Prakash Sharma were also called. But they communicated over the phone saying they were in different places. 

Jangi Adda also discussed with some UML leaders including the resigned Prime Minister and UML President KP Sharma Oli. Oli himself wrote a letter giving the consent to the President to form a new government for the exit. However, the political parties were maintaining the position that former Chief Justice Karki should be made the Prime Minister without dissolving the Parliament, but the Gen-G representative was in favor of appointing the Prime Minister first.  As the argument between the

team and the Gen-G representative began to drag on, General Sigdel again resorted to pressure tactics. At that time, the mobile phones of the leaders in the military barracks were confiscated. Your location may be out, so please switch off and give it to us. We had no choice. The Mobiles took out of the army, "The ministers returned to Kantipur after the abode of soldiers, said, 'Why did the army protecting his own phones? The question is still in mind.

may also start working hard to take control of the situation when the process is still lamp. At the same time, Jane-g began to give an ultimatum to the Emergency Karki to appoint the prime minister. As the pressure increased, Karki became an understanding of the Parliament by making the Prime Minister. The finding of our discussion with

'Jane was not allowed to dissolve over a parliament, so the military has given constructive pressure to end this process, "Says military officials. Breaking the proposal of the parties in this morning, President Poudel appointed prime ministerial prime minister. Shortly immediately, the President dissolved the House of Representation. & NBSP;

Army Review: Supporting the strategy taken by the Agricultural Aids;

by the army, the conclusion has concluded that the situation played a positive role in genetic landing after Jane-G. Casture is reviewed from the role of the warships in Jane-Gydriya, the role of the Jane-G move on the future strategies and national security of the army. & Nbsp;