२४.१२°C काठमाडौं
काठमाडौंमा वायुको गुणस्तर: १४८

A stream of totalitarian romanticism

The possibility of becoming a strong ruler has started to be presented as the basic principle of philanthropic politics. Increasing the social acceptability of elected leaders should be a matter of concern for the despised, excluded, deprived and permanent minorities of any country.
सीके लाल
Disclaimer

We use Google Cloud Translation Services. Google requires we provide the following disclaimer relating to use of this service:

This service may contain translations powered by Google. Google disclaims all warranties related to the translations, expressed or implied, including any warranties of accuracy, reliability, and any implied warranties of merchantability, fitness for a particular purpose, and noninfringement.

During the 1970s, two-layered songs were often heard to make fun of the Nepali communists. It was said, "Some are communists, they wear overcoats in the scorching heat of Bhairahawa because it is winter in Moscow." Others are communists, if it rains in Peking, they open their umbrellas in the stormy weather of Jhapa. Until that time, the capital of China was called Peking, the name Beijing was not popular.

A stream of totalitarian romanticism

Communists were not less in mocking others. Democrats were accused of shivering in the snow in Washington and fainting in the cold in Delhi. Although King Mahendra was a strategic partner of the Americans in the Cold War and a loyal neighbor of the Chinese leader Mao Zedong, but after his death in 1972, the Mao-Nixon meeting in Beijing, and the secret anti-Soviet alliance between the US and China, an undisclosed understanding was established between the courtiers and the Jhapali Maoists. . Due to local reasons, anti-communist sentiments persisted among some panchayat hartakartas, but since 1973, the court officials had started to be lenient towards the Jhapali Naxalism.

After 1975, Nepali Maoists also became ready to become vocal critics of democracy in the name of nationalism. Until then, the expression of fear that "Male-Mandale are the same" repeated by the democrats was not airy. In response, 'Male-Mandale' rhetoricians criticized the independence of Bangladesh made possible by Indian intervention. The term 'Sikkimisation' produced by Darbaria propagandists was popularized by the 'Male-Masale' Jamaat itself. The metaphor of 'Fijikaran', which became widespread after 1990, is an expression of the ethnic arrogance of the then UML intellectuals. In one thing, groupthink has developed among all the thinkers of Nepal, that is, without the leadership of New Delhi, not even a leaf will move in Kathmandu. While such an assumption, like most other generalizations, is not baseless, it is not entirely true. Without the combination of the global flow of ideas and local desires, foreign leadership cannot bring significant changes, or even if it happens, such power will not be sustainable.

King Tribhuvan's announcement on February 18, 1951 to end the monarchy and open the door to the republic without Indian leadership was certainly not possible. If Raja Tribhuvan had not fled to Delhi, the armed struggle of the Nepali Congress could have been prolonged. A bloody revolution, like in France or Russia, could wipe out the old elite. World powers could face conflict or direct foreign control. The voice of democracy was being raised during the period when colonialism was about to decline. New Delhi's strategists were active in Kathmandu after 1949 to secure their strategic interests in post-World War II geopolitics. Because the 'Delhi Agreement' between King Tribhuvan, Mohan Shamsher and the Indian establishment was facilitated by the American guarantors of the Cold War, perhaps the Nepali Congress was not even made a witness to that geopolitical arrangement. Even the royal-soldier coup staged by King Mahendra in 1960 would not have been possible without the help of the Americans.

While both camps of the Cold War were helping to despot their loyalists, ambitious rulers such as General Aryub Khan and King Mahendra emerged in South Asia. After 1960, New Delhi must have been forced to accept the Western-enhanced power of Kathmandu. After the Soviet Union took full control of Afghanistan in 1979, King Birendra may have seen the need for the American umbrella even more. If New Delhi had tried to stop the global flow of freedom and openness after the 'perestroika' and 'glasnost' of the last leader of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev, around 1985, the power change in Kathmandu would have been somewhat slower, but it would have been more destructive and eventually spread across the country. Much the same can be said about the Maoist armed conflict—Indian strategists must have been more concerned and driven after 2001 to secure their geopolitical interests than to bring about peace in Nepal.

The attraction of concepts like imperialism, colonialism, freedom, independence, democracy, socialism, capitalism, liberalism or neoliberalism first attracts the disaffected elites of any country. He transforms such global ideologies into social, economic and political principles that suit his 'air, water and soil' and creates an attractive commentary. Forms the basis for gathering external support and assistance. The power that tries to remain free from the global flow does not have the tendency to look for foreign support for its continuity. Generally, even a strong country does not want to maintain a long-term support of a power that blocks the desire for change. Although the reasons for the

are yet to be widely discussed, it is clear that since the mid-2010s, the global expansion of philanthropic politics has been slowly shrinking the essence of democracy. Sri Lanka's Mahinda Rajapaksa, who came to power through ethnic appeasement and majoritarianism, might not have fled overnight had he not embarked on audacious economic experimentation. Turkey's Recep Erdogan, Brazil's Jair Bolsonaro, Philippines' Rodrigo Duterte or India's Narendra Modi started showing authoritarian character after they came to power with the help of philanthropy. Now the possibility of becoming a strong ruler has started to be presented as the basic principle of philanthropic politics. Increasing the social acceptability of elected leaders should be a matter of concern for the despised, excluded, deprived and permanent minorities of any country.

The fear of uncertainty

According to a much-quoted comment by Antonio Gramsci, a Marxist thinker and cultural hegemony commentator, the crisis of the transition period is the prevalence of the sick symptoms that appear in the interval between the old dying and the new being unable to be born. After the end of World War I, the League of Nations could not be effective, and the world had to plunge into the even more destructive World War II. Although it is not possible to ensure social and economic justice, self-governance and sustainable peace for all countries, the United Nations, which protects the geopolitical interests of powerful nations, and the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, which promote their economic interests, and the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, called the dream of possibility during the Cold War period. was preserved. No less attractive was the alternative claim of the Soviet Union as the conduit of proletarian emancipation.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the elites who were caught up in the mantra of globalization, privatization and liberalization were insensitive to the interests of the common people, and the immature declaration of 'the end of history', called '9/11', was carried into the wreckage of the suicide and destructive attack on America in 2001. With that, the unrealistic concept of a 'unipolar' world ended. Perhaps '9/11' became the starting point for the resurgence of aggressive nationalism. America's unilateral actions in countries like Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya had overnight eliminated the relevance of the United Nations, which had succeeded in maintaining its presence, even if only morally.

The economic recession between 2007 and 2009 can be considered as a factor that started from America and spread all over the world. After 1970, China, which succeeded in making a miraculous change in its production capacity by using American goodwill, investment and technology, was about to challenge the "Washington Consensus" and make the "Beijing Consensus" after 2010. The repercussions of such a global shift in the balance of power are bound to be global.

Vladimir Putin, who became president again in 2012, remains a near-permanent ruler with a commitment to restore Russia's former glory. Some people have started to call Xi Jinping, the surveyor of the Chinese Communist Party who was "elected" around 2013, as "president for life". Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, busy campaigning for a third term, is presenting the inevitability of his leadership as a national necessity. The voter base of Donald Trump, the pioneer of the 'MAGA' campaign to make America great again, is still almost the same. After 1970, the ``strongman syndrome'' misguided notion that only a strong and fearless politician can save the nation, which is considered to be coming to an end with the ``second wave of democracy'', has begun to gain political acceptance again.

The role of (a) social media cannot be underestimated in preparing the general mood for subversive politics by making the common people depressed. Solutions (algorithms) of unprocessed mediums such as Facebook, X, Instagram, YouTube or Tik Tok, which determine not only the facts provided, but also the user's interests, are by nature stimulating in nature, that is because the solitary person is the one who seeks happiness, even if it is baseless, the criticism of others and the public display of his sincerity. Be on display. Matters of principle then become secondary. The standard of morality begins to be determined by the cocoholo of the crowd. Simple and gentle looks. A loud speaker is called brave. Those who tell the facts are considered prejudiced. Those who argue are silenced by the curse of culture and tradition. The term posttruth is essentially an admission that truth is irrelevant. When truth becomes irrelevant, there is no one left to challenge the importance of power. Person-centeredness is the basic belief of Satyetara era. And, frightened by the fluidity of their support-base, the rulers of Satyetaar era are constantly raising new 'jumla' i.e. credible and tempting but misleading slogans.

The most recent factor fueling the spread of authoritarian cronyism may be the Covid pandemic. Viruses do not need passports and visas. The police and army are often incompetent in managing the outbreak, let alone preventing its spread. Organizations such as the World Health Organization appeared innocent. The possibility of regional cooperation was deemed futile. Just as a person who is disappointed with medical science, through magic, jharfuk, Tunamuna and Dhamijhankri finally reaches the shelter of God, those who survived the covid epidemic may be believing in the savior politician. In a democracy, even those in power question each other.

The common people even doubt their intentions to maintain control over their rulers. A relationship of checks and balances is maintained between state institutions. In emergencies such as natural disasters, war, or pandemics, saviors who make immediate decisions become so convinced of the inevitability of their leadership that even their criticism begins to seem treasonous. A crowd of blind supporters also stands behind him. After that, nationalism Yugadharma and Sarvesarva are established as religious leaders of such sects. It is only a coincidence that such a description matches the personality of Indian Prime Minister Modi. Not only in India but also elsewhere, the patriots who have authoritarian ambitions rule by showing their need, utility and importance by igniting the fear of the common people who are forced to live in fear of losing the possibility of economic advancement, cultural existence, political rights or personal autonomy. Resistance cannot be rounded up for its own sake, and the promoters of totalitarian chauvinism are considered successful in securing a permanent hold on power under the guise of ensuring stability.

The scourge of Hindutva

Open or closed borders, any idea cannot be easily stopped even by the combined forces of customs, police and army. If Europe's Marxism and Liberalism come by airplane and China's Maoism comes over the mountains, there is no reason why Gujarat-Maharashtra's 'Godseism' cannot come by train or bus to Birgunj. Therefore, it does not mean that Indian politics is not having an impact on the spread of Hinduism in Madhesh after the outbreak of Covid.

But the argument that Indian strategists willing to interfere in Nepal's power politics and wasting their energy by getting entangled in Madhesh does not seem realistic. The role of Madhesh in Nepal's national policy is mostly peripheral. Those who want to interfere strike at the center of power - make the king of Ektaka pilgrimage, name the sitting prime minister, make the main opposition leader share the knowledge of Vedas and Vedanta, install Tapertuiyans in Kathmandu overnight and if that is not enough, they manipulate the politicians of the ruling party in the name of 'Hindu Rashtra'. Disappointment, despair and suicidal tendencies spread among the Madhesi elite after the third Madhesi revolt must have also worked within the aggressive Hinduism that reached Parsa through Dhanusha, Sarlahi and Rautahat. Perhaps he felt that the only way to connect with the Pahadiya elite was through Hindutva politics. Even though it is a border crossing that defames him, it has grown from the soil of Madhesh, which is the seed of Hindutva politics.

Even though the cavalry soldiers of Hindutva politics are Madhesi elites, there are not less number of ordinary people who have been enlightened by the Madhesi rebellion among their foot soldiers. Even though the Madhesh movement was energized, the Madhesh-dependent parties could not provide sufficient opportunities for their motivated youth. It is natural for defeated soldiers to find the prelude attractive to some more attractive movement than suicide and flight. Bhurabhuris with 'Jai Madhesh' turbans on their heads are now young, but the politicians who give other options than Durga Puja, Ganesha Puja or Saraswati Puja to round them up have disappeared from the field. Those who are active at the local level do not seem to have the will to stop the Hindutva politics of Pari.

If Indians are to promote Hindutva politics, they will first raise strong and combative politicians established in Kathmandu. It will help to reflect his nationalist and developmentalist image. will make racism and majoritarianism acceptable. Of course, in the current situation, there is no possibility that such a person can be a Madhesi. The dominant community is not likely to accept the leadership of the hill tribes except Khas-Arya. Dalit leadership is not even discussed. It seems that Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Ethnic Mukhtiar KP Sharma Oli are in a friendly competition in the competition of authoritarian philanthropy. The game to get external support will start only after the upcoming elections in India. The bare display of Hindutva politics in Madhesh is nothing more than a suicidal move.

प्रकाशित : फाल्गुन ९, २०८० ०८:१०
प्रतिक्रिया
पठाउनुहोस्
जनताको राय

धावनमार्गको पिच उप्किएपछि त्रिभुवन अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय विमानस्थलमा शुक्रबार केहीबेर विमान उडान र अवतरण नै रोक्नुपर्ने अवस्था आउनुलाई के भन्नुहुन्छ ?